H. A. Titcomb’s letter 11 January 1918

(from Lanchester’s file)

HAROLOD ABBOT TITCOMB

SALISBURY HOUSE, LONDON, E.C.

 

Copy

11th January 1918

 

C.W. Purington, Esq.,

Hon Sec.

American Committee of Engineers in London

6, Copthall Avenue E.C.

 

Dear Sir,

In connection with my recent Report on Germany’s Iron Industry and the War, I submit the following suggestions for increasing the efficiency of Air attacks on German War Industrial Centres.

 

My Iron Report illustrates one example only of Germany’s industries to be attacked.

 

In Great Britain at any rate, no demand has been made by the Authorities upon such leading and important scientific Societies as the Iron and Steel Institute or the Institution of Mining and Metallurgy for co-operation in studying the various War Industries of Germany, and it is reasonable to assume that, since these important Societies have not been asked to contribute their valuable knowledge, no general invitation has been extended to the Scientific and Manufacturing Societies and Associations – at least in Great Britain. I therefore, submit to the Committee the following general suggestions for their consideration.

Yours faithfully

 

(Signed) Harold Abbot Titcomb.

 

SUGGESTIONS FOR INCREASING THE EFFICIENCY OF

AIR ATTACKS ON GERMAN WAR INDUSTRIAL

CENTRES.

———————

 

EVIDENCES OF COMING GREAT AERIAL OFFENSIVES.

 

Numerous articles are appearing in the Press every day in England, America, Italy and France, calling attention and giving details of vast preparations which are being made for aerial attacks against Germany.  Articles and statements by important public men in these countries and by Government officials confirm these facts.  The French General Staff on October 18th 1917 advises that the Germans are well aware of these facts, and are already straining every nerve in order to meet the allied air offensive next year.  Throughout Germany factories are being commandeered, and new aeroplane and motor buildings constructed and labour secured for this purpose.

 

The American Secretary of War, Mr. Baker, announces that 20,000 aeroplanes are actually under construction in America, and our Ambassador in London, Mr. Page, announces that 100,000 American flying men are in training.

 

It cannot be doubted that these vast squadrons of aircraft should be utilised to the very best possible advantage in order to secure the most decisive results from their use. Any suggestions which might tend to increase the efficiency of the allied air campaign are, therefore, in order, and should be put forward for consideration by the higher authorities.  The following suggestions, or some small portion of them, may be of assistance in deciding the personnel of the General Air Staffs which will undoubtedly be appointed among the allied nations and especially of assistance in connection with the selection or appointment of the Air Strategy Staffs.

 

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS.

The various Airboards and Flying Authorities are fully competent to plan and carry out attacks upon the recognised military objectives of the enemy.  They are better acquainted than anyone else with the location of Aerodromes, Zeppelin sheds, Submarine Bases, Munition dumps, Railway communications, Bridges, and other ordinarily recognised military objectives; but these Air Boards (as at present constituted) probably do not represent the maximum efficiency and knowledge of the best industrial objectives in Germany.

 

There are in America, France and England, thousands of men, manufacturers, metallurgists, chemists and engineers who have a vast personal knowledge of Germany’s war industrial centres; where they are located and their relative importance for carrying on the war.  These men can serve their country best by placing their knowledge at the service of the General Staff who should direct and control the strategy of the coming great air attacks against Germany’s war industries.

 

Such civilians must necessarily know much more about these war industries and their importance than purely military or naval men can hope to do. The decision as to what industrial places are most important to attack should be left, therefore, not to Soldiers or Sailors, but to a properly constituted Civilian Board of the type above described.  This Civilian Board should make a most careful and detailed survey of the entire question, and prepare lists of places in Germany showing their relative war-importance to the enemy.  This list could be submitted to the Staff governing air tactics, which latter Staff could decide upon the relative susceptibility to attack of the different places specified.  A Joint Commission of the strategists and tacticians could then finally decide upon the objectives to be attacked, thus securing the most disastrous effects against Germany, coupled with the smallest losses to our own air fleet.

 

EXAMPLES.

There are many vital spots and nerve centres of Germany which are the very life and source of her power in war.  Her remarkable organization of certain industries is enabling her to carry on the war and hold at bay the allied nations for years.  Amongst the most vital of such jiu-jitsu spots can be suggested the following.

 

  • Iron Mines of Lorraine, the principal source of Germany’s Iron and Steel.
  • Ironworks, especially those with blast-furnaces, which latter are remarkably sensitive to injury; are slow and difficult again to get into running order; are very easily seen and recognised from many miles distance. If an iron Blast-furnace is “frozen up” it may require months before it can resume operation.
  • Submarine Storage Batteries. The Akkumulatoren Fabrik, at Hagen, Westphalia is the largest maker in Germany.
  • Diesel Engine Works – where are manufactured the engines without which submarines could not operate. The two best submarine engines are the “Augsburg” and the “Krupp” engines, the former of which are made by Mechinin Fabrik at Augsburg and Nuremburg, and the latter by Krupp’s at Essen.
  • Jena, Wetzlar and Berlin, are centres of Germany’s marvellous optical industries, where are constructed their best periscopes, gun sights, tele-photographic apparatus and field and marine glasses.
  • Coal Mines.
  • Munition Factories.
  • Chemical Works and Dye Works, now largely engaged in manufacture of explosives. For example, the Elberfeld Dye Works have a very large factory at Elberfeld, and another large works on the Rhine some 5 or 6 miles North of Cologne on the east bank of the river.  These are particularly important Chemical factories.

 

In the forgoing brief list no mention has been made, of course, of submarine bases, aeroplane sheds, aerodromes, railway communications, bridges, etc, which have been up to the present the principal air objectives.

 

 

SUGGESTION.  It is suggested that the above matters are proper ones to be considered and taken up by the American Committee of Engineers in London, and it is hoped that attention be called to these matters, and co-operation secured with all possible other engineering, manufacturing and commercial organizations in America, England and France, to aid our respective Governments in any way possible and assist them in co-ordinating the information which exists among the civilian members of the various engineering societies and business men.

 

 

Memo re German Industry 11 January 1918

MEMORANDUM.
to the
AMERICAN COMMITTEE OF ENGINEERS IN LONDON
CONCERNING THE COMMITTEE REPORT ON “GERMANY’S IRON INDUSTRY AND THE WAR” DEALING WITH THE PROBLEM OF AN AIR OFFENSIVE.
By
F.W. Lanchester, M. Inst. C.E.
January, 1918.

INTRODUCTORY.

In the main Report and Dossier prepared by Mr. H.A. Titcomb, which has been submitted to me, the enemy resources in coal and iron have been subjected to careful analysis; a list of iron mines is given with output of ore, so far as known, and the location and relative importance of his iron works from which he derives almost the whole of his material for munition manufacture have been analysed as to years output, relative importance, etc., and the position of every iron works of importance has been located and marked on a number of maps; in many cases photographs and large scale plans are given.

The object of the present Memorandum is to deal with the problem of dislocating his supplies by the employment to bombing aeroplanes. This Memorandum is to be regarded as a preliminary attack on the problem – an endeavour, in the first place, Part I, to lay down the objective which can be most economically made the subject of attack, that is to say, economically from the point of view of obtaining the greatest crippling effect on the enemy with bombs, etc., and, in the second place, Part II, to find a basis for the assessment of the force of aeroplanes and establishment necessary.

As the present Memorandum is intended to be in no degree final or exhaustive, arguments are put in their briefest possible form for the consideration of the Committee, and the estimate of numbers of aeroplanes, etc., may be taken as purely tentative and not based on the fullest information which may be available when actual dispositions come to be taken. The further data which will be required in order to prepare a final Report I am of opinion exist, but on such points as probable losses involved in raiding enemy country, and such further questions as the efficiency factor representing the number of machines necessary for each machine maintained in daily commission, are matters on which the Military Authorities alone can give reliable opinion, since much of the existing data is in their hands and is confidential.

PART I.

The first point I will discuss is the best objective. Firstly, I agree with Mr. H.A. Titcomb that to attack the sources of the enemy’s coal supply would be far less effective than to attack the sources of his iron supply.

Since pig iron is the basis of all steel manufacture the problem, therefore, is to destroy his capacity for producing pig iron by whatever means promises the most rapid and complete success.

The two main weak points in the manufacture of pig iron, as vulnerable to the bombing aeroplane, are unquestionably:-
(1) Mine head works, pumping plant etc.
(2) Iron smelting works.

Firstly, I will say that the weight of effort should be directed against the one or the other and not against both, for if we could smash half of his iron smelting works to the extent of putting out of action half of his blast furnaces, his production of iron ore would be a matter of indifference to us – his output of pig would be reduced to one half. If, on the other hand, our effort were divided between mines and iron works, diminishing, say, the capacity of each by 25% then his capacity for producing pig iron would only be reduced in about the same ratio. In other words, once a “bottle-neck” can be made at any point in his production it pays to exert every effort of strangulation at the “bottle-neck” to restrict production still further and not to act in some other place.

Now if we attack his mines and diminish the output of ore, he can replace his loss of ore to some extent by importations from Sweden. But even if the resources of Sweden are already taxed to their limit, he has considerable stocks of ore which doubtless would enable his blast furnaces to continue for some time before our action becomes effective as diminishing his supply of pig. Beyond this the raising of ore hinges on the question of labour supply, and it is reasonable to believe that his present limit is quite as much due to labour shortage as to the number and ultimate capacity of the pits, consequently, a great many pits would have to be put out of action before his supplies would even begin to show a falling off.

On the other hand, to bomb the iron works in any vital part might, and probably would, result in the blast furnaces “freezing” and in spite of any efforts he might make there would be a stoppage for at least three or four months; also the cessation of output would be immediate.

Beyond the above, an iron works is vulnerable in so many different parts, namely – the power house, the blowing engines, the hot blast stoves or regenerators, the gas washing plant, the water cooling systems and the blast furnaces themselves, besides quantities of piping, railway track, etc. The working of an iron works is as dependent one part on another as the parts of a geared mechanism, and a bomb dropping into any of the vital parts would be as fatal as a bullet through the mechanism of an eight-day-clock.

From the point of view of difficulty or distance there is very little to choose between the main shaft works and the iron works, except that the latter are, if anything, more conspicuous and less numerous, i.e., individually more important and of a larger vulnerable area.

I conclude, therefore, that the iron works should be made the subject of the attack.

PART II.

From the main Report it appears that there are four districts within raiding distance from the Western Front, the complete output of which represents 83% of the total pig iron smelted in Germany;
The approximate particulars tabulated from the Report (see Dossier p.p. 2, 38 and 40) are as follows:-
District Nearest Point No. of iron works Approx. radius in miles Percentage of Germany’s output for 1916
1. Annexed Lorraine Nancy or Verdun 22 50 30
2. Saar Nancy 5 70 7
3. Coblenz Nancy 3 150 3
4. Westphalia Nancy or Belgium 18 200 43
TOTALS 48 83

Inspections of the various plans given in the main Report reveals the fact that a large iron works commonly covers a compact site of 150 acres or thereabouts, of which the more vulnerable or dangerous portion constitutes about 10 per cent, say 15 acres. This 15 acre area can be regarded as the target and its position can be located without difficulty from the fact that it includes blast furnaces (commonly arranged in rows) and the hot blast stoves, which are no less conspicuous and which form a corresponding row or number of groups. These conspicuous landmarks are not always located within the target in the same manner, but this fact presents no difficulty, as the anatomy of each works can be studied from its plan. Plans can of course be verified by air reconnaissance and photography, and thus any extensions and alterations can be taken account of.

Within the target aforesaid, commonly representing an area of 15 acres, there are certain objectives, such as the blowing engines and power-plant houses, the gas washing plant, the pumping machinery, etc., in addition to the system of piping, which consists of some miles or more of pipes and conduits from one to ten feet in diameter, any of which, seriously damaged, will stop the whole works. Such items represent within the 15 acre danger area, or target, about ten per cent of the total or commonly 1 – ½ acres.

I shall take, for the purpose of this Memorandum, that as an average figure the accuracy of bomb-sighting will be fairly represented by assuming that all bombs would be dropped with equality of distribution within a circle of a quarter of a mile diameter, whose centre is the objective, or bulls-eye. Such a circle, viewed from 12,000 feet represents a contained angle of 6O. This does not actually mean that in bombing practice a bomb will never fall outside such a circle, but rather that the density of the “pattern” in the central portion of the circle would correspond to an equal distribution of the total number of bombs over the area stated.

The area of a circle a quarter of a mile diameter is about 32 acres And if, to be on the safe side and to allow for some of the iron works not being as large as those which the figures given in the preceding paragraph were based, we take one acre as the vital area, we reach the result that 1/232 of the total charge dropped will be effective. I have credited nothing here for the fact that beyond the vital area there is also the area, ten times as large, which I have described as dangerous. A lucky bomb on this dangerous area might easily incapacitate or destroy individual furnaces or hot blast stoves thus, crippling the output of the works to a serious extent. However, it is well to leave something in reserve to be on the safe side.

Beyond this there is hardly a point in the whole iron works at which a large bomb would not do material damage and justify itself by tearing up tracts, damaging rolling stock, wrecking roofs and so forth. The factor 1/32 therefore may be looked upon as conservative, even sufficiently so to allow for a certain demoralisation of aim due to anti-aircraft fire, etc. However, it is easy to over-estimate the effect of a bomb. A large bomb might conceivably drop even in the vital area and not actually incapacitate a single machine. It is almost inconceivable that such a thing should be possible, but it is well to allow for it. I have, therefore, taken the factor for the latter purpose of the present Memorandum as half the above, namely 1/64. On the other hand I am definitely assuming that on this reduced basis the bombing is absolutely effective and that the consequence would be those of a “freeze-up” of the blast furnaces and a stoppage, either wholly or partial, for a period of two or three months.* * Compare foot note page 7 [5 below]

To put the matter definitely, the assumption is that the bomb contents of one raiding aeroplane, which we may assume to be a single bomb of 600 or 700 lbs, or an equal weight of lesser bombs, would, if delivered to the area described as vital, put the whole works out of action for a period of two or three months, assuming the charge to take effect; and that the further assumption is that on average once in 64 times this would be the case. I do not think the fairness of this estimate can be challenged on the basis of the data given.

We may represent the above statement in a ready form by laying it down that to maintain an iron works “out of commission”, in other words, to entirely stop its output, it will be necessary to make sufficient provision to raid it at the rate of one aeroplane per diem. In practice this would of course mean that it would be raided by massed squadrons, possibly once every 2 or 3 months to the extent of fifty to a hundred machines (See note *). It would be reconnoitered and kept under air observation from time to time to ascertain whether the bombing had been effective and would be raided on a large scale as often as necessary. The basis of one machine per iron works per diem however gives, on the data, calculations and allowances aforesaid, a measure of the establishment required.

Referring back to the table given, it will be noted that in cases 1 and 2 the distances to be flown are well under a hundred miles, that is to say, two hundred miles out and home, whereas in the cases 3 and 4 the distance is twice as great. As it is not always expedient to fly on the most direct course and the point of departure (aerodrome) has to be some distance back, it would be assumed that for cases 1 and 2 two hours flying is necessary and for cases 3 and 4 that four or five hours flying is necessary. Parenthetically it may be remarked that this suggests that two types of machines will be desirable, one for the shorter distance work and one for the long distance work; also that these machines will be wanted in about equal quantity, the total number of works in the two groups being 27 and 21 respectively.

Taking first the short distance group, in which there are 27 works, we shall require 27 aeroplane journeys to be made per diem on an average, and if we take four hours flying as a day’s work we have two journeys each, or, say, 14 machines required in constant service.

Taking the second group we have 21 works, and we shall require 21 machines, since the distance will only permit of one journey per diem, the total number, therefore, of machines in constant service will require to be 35.

• Note. Actually the attack should be founded on the endeavour to bring about a “freeze-up” of the furnaces. By banking furnaces it is possible to preserve their fluidity for a fortnight or thereabouts. Hence the problem is to subject a works to repeated raids at intervals of about one week or ten days, to bring about a “freeze”, after which it may be ignored as out of action for two or three months at least.

It is for the Military Authorities, or those that have adequate experience of raiding work to state what this means in the total flying machines necessary. I am inclined myself to think that in order to maintain a daily performance the total bombing force would have to be several times as great numerically as the number required to be on duty. As a figure to form a basis of discussion I will take this factor to be five times, which will mean a total of 175 machines. This will allow an average of four days for refit and repair to each machine after a day’s work. In some cases doubtless, machines can be “gone through” and put into flying order in a few hours; in other cases the condition may be such as to require a fortnight or more in the repair shop. In taking the above factor I am assuming that each machine is provided with the usual complement of spare engines and parts and that adequate general stores are carried. If the above allowance appears more than adequate it is to be remembered that the enemy will do everything in his power to protect works which are of vital importance to his existence and to the continuing of the war, and existing experience cannot altogether be taken as a precedent; there will be a great measure of resistance which will have to be encountered and overcome.

These same considerations have equal weight, both as to loss of machines and loss of personnel. We commonly hear at present of raids being executed in which all the machines return safely; we cannot hope for anything so favourable when the work contemplated is taken seriously in hand. I am inclined, as a basis of discussion, to allow for 10% loss of machines on every raid. Since the raids contemplated on the above basis amount numerically to 48 out and home flights per diem, we must allow for five machines destroyed per diem by anti-aircraft fire and by defending fighting squadrons. This means that the manufacturing resources to support the establishment will require to supply 35 aeroplanes per week; this we may fairly assume divided in equal quantities between short and long distance machines. It will be well to allow for 20 of each type per week.

Likewise as to the loss of men either killed or taken prisoner, this would correspond with the losses of the machines and it would be necessary to provide for the training of men at the necessary rate for the special duty, namely, in the geography of the district and the character of their objectives and targets, beyond the ordinary training.

I believe that on the basis of equipment given and on the policy of execution, as above outlined, it would be possible in a very short time to so cripple the iron works in the districts in question that their output, if not reduced to zero, will become almost negligible. Also, by supporting the bombing aeroplanes by fighting squadrons and by the usual tactical jiu-jitsu in the matter of feint and surprise attacks, it would be possible to maintain a service constantly in the face of anything that the enemy could do, the raids being mainly conducted by daylight, but by no means excluding night attacks led by men who have had the necessary experience and aided by guiding lights.

It is necessary to emphasise the fact, which has already been clearly demonstrated by the main Report and is more than admitted by the writings of the German Authorities themselves, if Germany can be deprived of half of her output of pig iron the war could not last many months. (Compare Report Appendix E. page 39). I believe the statement to be in no sense exaggerated and its achievement to be within the reach of our potential resources.

F Springett letter 7 January 1918

Monday Jan 7th 1918

 

 

My Dear Brother Sid,

Just a few lines in answer to your welcome letter received today, so sorry to hear that you were not feeling up to the mark, pleased to say I am A1, except for a bit of a cold.

Yes the weather is awful, it rained something cruel here last night but as been jolly cold today.

Well Dear Sid, there are not many more days left now for me to stay in England, I think we sail next Sunday from Southampton.

By all accounts we shall move away from here on Saturday. I have written and told Dad & Ted and I think they will arrange to come down by the end of the week to see me.  I am sending a wire to Dad if we do move so perhaps he will see you, then you could arrange together about coming.  Don’t put yourself out or get into trouble if you do come because you don’t want any of this game.  Stick to your work just as long as you can.

I expect you get “fed up” at times but my word you would at this game.  Ha Ha.

Still never mind I shall come through alright.

Yes we had the Air-Raid warning but saw nothing of them this time, it was a wonder though.

We have got nearly all new stuff issued out to us, so we are well away now.

Well Dear Sid, I’m awfully sorry I’m going our there, not that I care myself, but I know how Mother will crack on, she did about poor old Walt when he went.

Still you must go home a bit oftener and cheer her up. We have got some decent chaps in our lot, my word, they are having a game with the Sergeants this week too.

Talk about fun with our platoon Sergeant. Ha Ha.

Well, Sid I will pack up or I shall miss the (Draft) I mean the post.  Ha Ha.

Perhaps you knew my birthday was on the 12th January did you?  We are sailing on the 13th rather sharp on time, “Don’t you think?”

Hope to see you before I go “West”. Goodbye-ee.

Best Love

I remain

Your Loving Brother

Frank

 

With cover to Mr S.K. Springett, 29 Bath Road Dartford Kent

Postmarked Margate 9.45 PM 7 JA 18

F. Springett letter 1 January 1918

FOR GOD, FOR KING & FOR COUNTRY

Y.M.C.A.

H.M. FORCES ON ACTIVE SERVICE

 

Jan 1st 1918

Rifn F.W. Springett

A Company 3rd Platoon

51st Bn K.R.R.

Cliftonville

Margate

 

 

My Dear Brother Sid,

Just a few lines hoping they will find you in the best of health as it leaves me A1.

Fancy her arriving at 3 o’clock that was rather a nuisance for you. Still I might stand a chance of seeing her yet.

I can’t promise to be down here by Sunday next week. I hear that we are moving next Wednesday.

Still I will let you know as soon as I know, you bet I will.

It is awful cold down here, really to bad as our parade ground is right on the sea front.

The wind does blow too.

Yes Sid, I had a right time while I were home, thanks very much for all you did for me, I shall never forget it.

I’ve got over my leave now, it wants a bit of doing through.

Well Dear Sid, I hope this letter finds you A1.  I don’t think I have much more to say this time, so I will close, wishing you a Happy New Year also the Best of Luck.

Best Love

I remain

Your Affec Brother

Frank

 

P.S. Excuse short letter

 

With cover to Mr S.K. Springett, 29 Bath Road Dartford Kent

Postmarked

Alf Smith’s letter 1 January 1918

Jan 1st 18

 

My Dear Father

 

Just a few lines to wish you all a very happy New Year; & I hope it will be brighter than the past I fancy it will be as I think the end of this war is not far off now.

Thank you for letter, the card was from the Matron of the hospital where I was at Cumberland I can bet I should not mind being there now under the same conditions.  What sort of weather are you getting have had plenty of snow here.

Well how did you enjoy your Xmas we had a jolly fine time under the circumstances the worst part was the cold & we could not have any fires being in barns I will give you a short account of the feast &c.  breakfast 8 A.M. ham jam (not chicken) bread & butter & S.Ms tea (or extra sweet) Dinner, roast beef, potatoes cabbage, Xmas pudding & custard, apples nuts & raisins.  Tea bread, butter jam, cake, cheese & tin fruit.  We ended up with a fine concert plenty of beer, cigarettes & cigars, & sandwiches for supper.  We had a jolly good time.

I think we are paying for it now 5 & sometimes 8 in a loaf of bread a day & no money have not paid out for over a fortnight.  There was a fine cinema at the village where we have just left but I could not go being stony.  I had two good feeds of fried eggs.  We are not in any inhabited parts now there are several canteens about where you can buy cigarettes, biscuits, & tin food it helps to fill.  I think we are here for about a month.  One good thing we are in huts now so we can have a jolly good fire.

Please thank Ethel & Winnie for their cards.  I had a card from Nell I hope you enjoyed yourself with them also with Ciss.

Cannot think of any more news to tell you.  Glad to say I am A1.  I hope you are all in the best of health.

Wishing you all again a very happy New Year.  Au revoir.

Your devoted

Son

 

War Diary of 2/6th Sherwood Foresters for December 1917

WAR DIARY Of 2/6th Sherwood Foresters For December 1917

 

 

Place       Date    Hour                                                Summary of Events and Information

 

1/12/17                                                            Fighting Strength  Officers  32

Other Ranks  806

LA VACQUERIE 1.12.17  1.am.     Attached 20th Division in Hindenburg Line R.10.d. and R.16.b.

R.16                                                    Battalion in Reserve to 11th Bn K.R.R.

(Special Sheet)                                    The 12th Division who were holding front line on our right were heavily attacked about 3 pm.

57C N.E., S.E. and 57b N.W., S.W.  Some of this Division fell back to Sunken Road R.16.b.6.2. (our right flank).  Half of our right flank Company moved to Sunken Road R.16.b.3.2. facing South to form a defensive flank.  This position was untenable and the half company were moved to trench at R.16.a.5.0.  One platoon of our Reserve Company moved to trench at R.10.c.7.5.

On our left front enemy made bombing attacks up C.T.s and succeeded in driving back a portion of the front line. We sent up 1 Platoon to reinforce, but owing to absence of bombs it was unable to drive enemy back.

One Platoon of Left Company moved forward to assist in checking enemy’s advance. One Platoon from Reserve Company replaced the Platoon.

2.12.17                                   Heavily bombarded in early morning.  Enemy attacked in the afternoon on our right flank and caused front line to fall back to Sunken Road at R.16.b.6.2. and trench occupied by our Battalion at R.16.b.3.2.  Our Lewis Guns and rifle fire held up his attack at this point.  On our left front the enemy made attempts to bomb up C.T.s and succeeded in getting into the trench.  Remaining platoon of Reserve Company was sent forward and took up a position in the Sunken Road at R.10.d.3.8. and R.10.d.3.6. to cover any attempt of the enemy to gain possession of Sunken Road R.10.d.1.8.

 

 

LA VACQUERIE  3/12/17  4.25 am.            Battalion relieved by 2/6 Warwicks.

Moved to VILLERS PLUICH.

10.pm.         Moved to MOLE trench in 31.a.10.3. near RIBECOURT.

4/12/17  10.30 am.                         Moved to trenches in Q.4 at TRESCAULT.

TRESCAULT 5/12/17 to 8/12/17      Battn in reserve at Q.4.

9/12.17  6.pm.         Battn moved up to FLESQUIRES.

FLESQUIRES 10/12/17 1.30 am.      Relieved 2/5 Lincs in front line K.18.a.& b. (MOEUVRES (Special Sheet) )

11/12/17 to 13/12/17          Battn occupied front line in K.18.a. & b. (MOEUVRES Special sheet)

14/12/17  2 am.   Relieved by 2/5 South Staffs.

FLESQUIRES 14/12/17 to 16/12/17 Battn occupied Reserve line in K.24.a. (MOEUVRES Special sheet).

17/12/17  8.pm.                               Battn relieved by 2/5th Lincolns.  Marched to BERTINCOURT.  Battn billeted.

BERTINCOURT 18/12/17 to 20/12/17         Company Training.

ROCQUINY 21/12/17                       Battn marched to ROQUINY.  Billeted in huts for the night.

BEAULENCOURT 22/12/17            Battn marched to BEAULINCOURT.  Billeted in huts.

23/12/17              Battn Training.

24/12/17              Battn Training.

25/12/17              Battn marched to BAPAUME.  Entrained at BAPAUME, detrained at HOUVIN.

Marched to MAGNICOURT.

MAGNICOURT     26/12/17 to 31/12/17      Battn & Company training.

Fighting Strength Officers  27

Other Ranks 729.

January 1918

January 1918

Western Front

In early 1918, the Western Front had no significant influence in the war until the first phase of the German offensive on the 21st March 1918.The Germans began to move troops from The Eastern Front onto the Western front after the Russians had sought an armistice. The plan was to mount a spring offensive against the Allies, before the Americans arrived in Europe in large numbers. The inclement winter weather was an ideal time for both sides to re-inforce their defences and for the British and French forces to adjust their area of involvement along the Western Front.

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Eastern Front

In January 1918, General Lavr Kornilov organised a volunteer army of 3,000 men who opposed the Bolshevik government, led by Vladimir Lenin. The volunteer soldiers would eventually become known as the White Army. Over the next few months other groups joined in the struggle. Those who joined the White Army include the Cadets, who wished to continue the war against the Central Powers. Some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries that were opposed to the doctorial powers of the new regime also joined the resistance. Others who joined included landowners who had lost their estates and factory owners whose property had been nationalised. Royalists, who wished to restore the monarchy, and devout members of the Russian Orthodox Church who objected to the government’s atheism, also joined. The Bolshevik Army would eventually be known as the Red Army and the two opposing factions would lead to the Russian Civil War in August 1918.

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Other Theatres

In America on the 8th January 1918, President Woodrow Wilson outlined in a speech to the United States Congress, the principles for peace negotiations in order to end the Great War. The United States had joined the Allied Powers in fighting the Central Powers on 6th April 1917. Its entry into the war had in part been due to Germany’s resumption of submarine warfare against merchant ships trading with France and Britain. If America was going to fight, he wanted to try to break the nationalistic disputes and ambitions. The need for moral aims was more important, when after the fall of the Russian government, the Bolsheviks disclosed secret treaties made between the Allies. Wilson’s speech also considered Vladimir Lenin’s “Decree on Peace” of November 1917, which proposed an immediate withdrawal of Russia from the war. It also called for a just and democratic peace that was not compromised by territorial readjustments, and led to the Treaty of Brest- Litvsk on the 3rd March 1918. In The speech, known as the Fourteen Points, Wilson directly stated what he considered the causes for the world war. He requested the abolition of secret treaties, a reduction in armaments, an adjustment in colonial claims and freedom of the seas. Wilson also made proposals that would ensure world peace in the future. For example, he proposed the removal of economic barriers between nations, and a League of Nations. Included in Wilson’s proposed Fourteen Points, he also had more practical objectives in mind. He hoped to keep Russia in the war by convincing the Bolsheviks that they would receive a better peace from the Allies, which would boost Allied morale, and undermine the German war support. As a basis for easing international relations, the address was well received in the United States, the Allied nations and even by Bolshevik leader Lenin.

 

On the 28th January 1918, 100,000 German workers took to the streets of Berlin, demanding an end to the war on all fronts. Within a few days, the number had increased from 100,000 to 400,000. Plagued by hunger and increasingly frustrated with the continuing Great War, hundreds of thousands of long-suffering German workers prepared for a massive strike in Berlin. Although 1917 had brought a string of military triumphs to the Central Powers it had seen hunger and discontent on the home front rise to unprecedented levels. War with Russia and the Allied naval blockade in the North Sea, had cut Germany and Austro-Hungary off from a crucial supply of food creating food shortages. Discontent flared first in Austria, where flour rations were cut in mid-January. Strikes began almost immediately in Vienna and by the 19th January 1918 there was a general strike throughout the country. Food shortages were even worse in Germany, where some 250,000 people had died from hunger in 1917. The reaction of the German government and the army, frightened by visions of Bolshevik style revolution was swift and decisive. On the 31st January 1918, a state of siege was declared and the ringleaders of the strikes were arrested and court-marshalled. 0ne hundred and fifty were imprisoned, while 50,000 more were drafted into the army and sent to the front.

……………….

Flora Sandes gave a fund raising speech at the Alhambra Theatre in Leicester Square, London on the 29th January 1918. Flora, who was the only English lady to have fought in the trenches with The Serbian Army, was back in England recovering from wounds she sustained on the battlefield. Upon her arrival in England in 1917 she attracted considerable attention from the national press. Nationally she helped to raise funds for her friend, the Hon. Evelina Haverfield, who was the experienced fund raiser for the Scottish Women’s Hospital in Serbia. For her first speaking engagement she appeared in her sergeant-majors uniform complete with campaign and bravery medals. Although nervous at speaking solo to a music hall audience she raised the biggest collection ever taken at a matinee performance. She was to go onto further fund raising activities in the future.

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Timetable January 1918

Timetable January 1918

Western Front

Early Jan      The Germans began moving troops from the Eastern Front to the Western Front

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Eastern Front

Jan                Russian White volunteer army organised by General Lavr Kornilov

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Other Theatres

8th Jan           As a basis for peace, President Woodrow Wilson outlines his 14 points

28th Jan         German workers strike and Austro-Hungarian citizens riot over food shortages

29th Jan         Flora Sandes gave her first ever fund raising speech for Serbian relief

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War Diary of AA Laporte Payne December 1917

War Diary of AA Laporte Payne

 

EXTRACTED FROM.

 

Brigade Diary, Personal Diary, Operation Orders, Note Books, Memoranda

Correspondence

—————–

 

 

December 1917.

MARCH.

 

From Isola della Scala.

 

ASIGLIANO                         2nd December, 1917.

COLEREDO              3rd       do

Sossano.

PONTI DI BARBARANO    4th December, 1917

Longare

  1. MARIA near CAMISANO 5th December 1917. (Visited Vicenza, 6th Dec.)
  2. Giorgio in Bosco.
  3. ANNA MOROSINA. 7th December, 1917.

 

(XI Corps at Camposampiero 8th December)

 

R.P. December 2, 1917.

B.E.F. Italy.

 

The best thing for me to do is to write you a letter and carry it about with me until I get a chance of posting it.

 

We are without any mail from England.  I shall be glad to get news of you all.

 

This is very different to France.  It is an extraordinary country with a population poor and dull living in large farmhouses like enormous barns.  As the rooms have no fire places and the weather in bitterly cold it is not very pleasing.  However we are moving about a lot, and seeing the country, which is most interesting.

 

But we do not appreciate our privileges. Here we are caravanning over this land than which there is no better way of getting to know a country, with two horses for each officer, and wagons for our kit.  No tourist has such a chance and such facilities except at a great expense.  We are doing it at the Government’s cost.

 

I have just visited a delightful medieval fortified town quite out of the way of the usual run of tourists. It possesses an old castle sympathetically restored and furnished.

 

Captain Bell of B Battery is also interested in medieval history so we are having a jolly time together.

 

Tonight we are billeted in a large cold house, and we have just had dinner. It consisted of soup, and two large guinea fowl, which we purchased for the price of two shillings each.  Or to be more exact four lire a piece.  This with potatoes, cabbage, stewed apples, sardines on toast and cheese.

 

I am still in command of the Battery and am likely to be as there is no sign of the Major returning.  I have had the Battery now since July with a short interval.

 

The horses have improved on the march, and are looking very well. It freezes every night. I did not know it could be so cold in Italy.

 

The Italians keep their houses much cleaner than the Belgians. I hope to visit Rome and Naples later on, but before then I must swat up some history books.  Will you send me the book on Pompeii which is some where about.

 

December 2, 1917.

B.E.F. Italy.

 

No mail has arrived here for us yet, so we are without any news. I have not seen an English paper since we left France, and the only information we glean is laboriously from Italian newspapers.  It will be a great day when the mail arrives.

 

This is my first visit to Italy.  It is an extraordinary country, quite unlike France.  the people strike me as poor, dull and rather frightened.  Houses are large but clean.  As they do not possess fireplaces in most of the rooms we find it very chilly, and not very comfortable.  Interiors are barren, and what pictures they have are distinctly bad, except in a few cases in the chief churches, where they are all of a religious character.  The countryside is still medieval, with sudden and unexpected appearances of modern inventions and improvements.  Such as electric lighting in the most unlikely villages.

 

We are having a great opportunity of seeing the countryside, as we have been on the trek for sometime. Here we are touring Italy like a great caravan than which there is no better way of seeing the country, and all at the government’s expense.  No tourist has such facilities except at great cost and trouble.  I have just visited a delightful medieval fortified town, quite out of the way of the usual route of tourists.  It possessed an old castle which has been sympathetically restored, and is full of all the old furniture and decorations.

 

Captain Bell of “B” Battery is like me interested in medieval history, and we are having a jolly time together.

 

Tonight we are billeted in a large cold house. We have just had dinner, our first meal here.  We had two large guinea fowl, which we purchased for the large price of two shillings each, or to be more exact eight lire the two.

 

Unfortunately the men have not yet got accustomed to the wine of the country, “vino rossa”.

 

Will you send me out Sabatini’s “Cesare Borgia”.

 

R.P. December 9, 1917.

 

Still no mail, so I cannot answer your letters, which I know are somewhere on the way here.

 

It is extraordinarily cold here, frost most of the day, and every night. We are still moving.  There is some sickness among the officers and men, but nothing much or serious.  It is due chiefly I think to the change in weather and living.  I am keeping very fit.

 

The Major is still away so I have the battery in charge. Everything goes well, the horses have never looked batter, and the men seem to be contented.

 

We are at present in a country village not too far away from a large town which we can on occasion visit to buy goods and spend a few moments. But the prices are going up against us now.

 

The houses we inhabit are rather cold and draughty at present, but no doubt they will be very pleasant in the summer. However we are seeing quite a good slice of this country at the Government’s expense, and at present are not in the line, so we must not grumble.

 

December the ninth 1917.

B.E.F. ITALY.

 

Still we have received no mail. I have never felt so cut off before.  I know some letters are on the way, for they have been seen, but they get hung in a most extraordinary way.  I shall be glad when proper postal arrangements are made.  It is miserable having no news of home.

 

I am well; but several of the officers and men are ill owing no doubt to the extreme cold, unaccustomed way of living and strange food and wine.

 

We are still on the move, and have seen a good deal of the country. It is a strenuous time for the men and horses.  The horses are fine.  The further they have to go the better they look.  Since we left France I have only lost two.  All the other batteries have lost at least a dozen or more, and they have mange, which we have escaped so far.  I tell others it is owing to good management but really it is due to good luck.

 

I am enjoying myself very much. My only regret is that I have not more time to get away and visit interesting places, which we are near, and to do some reading about them and the history of Italy.

 

We have been buying some excellent turkeys and ducks, but the prices are already going up rapidly. The inhabitants soon find that mess secretaries and the troops will pay almost anything for food.

 

It has been severely cold, frost day and night.

 

I have paid the men in lire this afternoon. I hope they won’t spend it all in vino, and cause trouble.

 

December 11, 1917.

 

Visited Padua.

 

R.P. December 15, 1917.

The mail has arrived at last, bringing about forty letters for me and many parcels. It was good to hear news of you all.

 

It is intensely cold here. I have purchased a large goat’s skin fur coat, grey in colour with the fur outside.  The horses do not like it at all.  They think I am a bear from the hills.  But it is very warm.  We get a good deal of sunshine, and it generally thaws in the middle of the day.

 

We are some way north of Verona, and still on the move.  It has been a most interesting trek.  But I shall be glad to settle down now.  I hope we get a decent billet with a mess and a fire place in it.

 

Tomorrow we move again. We shall start early.  All the horses are fit with the exception of one that got some glass in its foot.  I shall have to leave it behind with a driver to look after it until it is well enough to travel.

 

Orders have just come in (midnight). We move late, about 11 a.m.  That will give us time to pack at leisure.

 

December 15, 1917.

B.E.F. Italy.

 

Hurrah. The mail has at last arrived, and I have received between thirty five and forty letters, and some parcels.  I have not counted them all properly yet.  They were all most welcome, letters, chocolate, fruit and magazines.

 

I have not known whether to read letters just as they came to hand, or sort them in order of date. I began the first way, and then, finding it so difficult to grasp some references, turned to the other and slower way.

 

We left Belgium on the 18th of Nov (Sunday), just a month ago.  We pulled out of action that night.  I left England on Nov 14th.

 

We move again tomorrow. I have never had such a trek.  Letters have taken twenty-six days to reach us.

 

We have already partaken of spaghetti, macaroni, polenta, vegetable soup, and powdered cheese; for wine vino rossa, vino nero, chianti, which is very good, and a filthy liqueur well named grappa.

 

I have a wonderful fur coat made of goat skins, hair outside and grey in colour. I look like a teddy bear, and the horses do not like me at all.  But I shall need it in the snows.  Oh! and Oh!

 

The arrival of the mail bags was a great event. There were more than forty.

 

We are in a small mess. We crowd in there because it is warmer.  There are five subalterns and a doctor in it at present, and they are all jumping about, which is rather distracting for one who wants to write.  The Doctor has quarrelled with the Colonel and has asked if he can live with us.  He paid us that compliment, but I don’t know how the Colonel will take it.  he is such a strange man, and so easily takes offence.

 

We are still on the move but we must stop soon as we cannot get much further. The mountains look very fine from below.  I hope my view will not be any closer.  It looks very cold up there.

 

The horses are fit with plenty of work and plenty of oats.

 

R.P. December 18, 1917.

We have ceased our wanderings for the time being, and are fairly comfortably billeted in a village of no great size (Tezze). Instead for moving the battery about the Colonel and the Battery Commanders including myself are engaged in reconnaissance for battery positions and generally scouring the countryside some distance from the billets.  It has taken us up into the mountains.  It is rather trying at times as we have to go on our flat feet up bridle paths, and when we ride the roads are rather slippery.  However it has been good exercise and I am very fit.

 

For the men’s Christmas dinner we have purchased seven small pigs all alive. For the Officers’ mess turkeys.  There are eight officers in the mess now, so we are quite a large party.

 

The cold frosty weather has turned to a cold rain, which is very unpleasant.

 

December 18, 1917.

We have come to a halt for a bit, and I am spending my time riding all over the country with the Colonel and other Battery Commanders on reconnaissance. It is sometimes tiring when we have to get up at 6 a.m. to get to the rendez-vous and only get back at 7 p.m. after riding thirty or forty miles on horseback and walking for as much as seven hours on our flat feet.  This morning being fine I went without an overcoat for the first time, and a cold rain began before we started home for our lines miles away (at Tezze).

 

There are eight officers in our mess now, too many. At present we need a good billet, for we are living in the Kitchen of a rather poor class of house in a village.  It was all we could find when we arrived owing to the large number of troops who were here before us.

 

R.P. CHRISTMAS DAY, DECEMBER 25th 1917.

 

Our Christmas day under the conditions of war time and absence from home, could not have been better. I have done no work except to attend stables.  At midday I visited the men’s billets to see that the dinner of five pigs and Christmas puddings was as it should be, and the sergeants’ mess to drink their healths.

 

At our mess we had suckling pig and plum pudding for lunch, and soup, fish, turkey, plum pudding, savoury, fruit for dinner. To make the day complete we had a good mail from England.  The letters, parcels and the “Times” were all most welcome.  The eight in our mess had a jolly time.

 

Our reconnaissance is over, and I am now engaged in drawing maps and plans.

 

The other day we had a strenuous time. I was ordered to take the officers and N.C.Os of the battery, four of the former and six of the latter, with one or two others to view the positions we had already reconnoitered.  We rode about thirty miles on our horses, climbed on our feet and sometimes hands as well, one hill of over 1000 feet, and another of 4000 feet, to where the snow lay thick and hard.  It was frightfully cold.  Only four of us got to the top of the second hill.  As it was then very late and getting dark we came down in an empty Italian lorry by one of those great military roads recently constructed.  Straight up the mountainside it is only about two miles.  coming down by the winding military road it was twenty-two miles, and took one hour and ten minutes to do.  The road was very narrow, had many hair-pin bends, and was devoid of wall or parapet on the edge below which was sheer drop in to ravines.  It was quite exciting, as at times we dropped down the slope so fast.  We were like tennis balls in a tub, flung about from side to side.  However we escaped with our lives.

 

I really do not know how the Italian soldiery stand the intense cold in the mountains. I spoke to some of them so far as I could.  I also managed to get a piece of edelweiss.

 

Now we are training hard, and we need it badly. I like the life as a change, but hope to get some war soon.  The Colonel has been pleasant, and leaves me alone to run the battery as I think fit without interfering.  The horses are looking well in spite of the snow and cold.

 

With ten other ranks I represented the Brigade at a show the other day. It was for the benefit of the Italians, a sort of “see here we are” sort of thing.  It was bitterly cold on parade after a long drive in lorries, and we had no lunch.  We stood to attention on the square while all the national anthems of the allies were played.  Several men fainted.  I should we could have flattered our gallant Italian allies with less discomfort to the  troops.

 

I have an excellent billet with a bedroom to myself. There is a good deal of sickness about, but I am keeping very fit.  I hear that some of our mail was involved in the railway smash in France the other day.  Our mails at the best of times are very uncertain.  We are a long way from our base, and transport is by road.

 

It does not look as if we shall get much time for wandering about Italy now, but I hope to get to Rome and Naples later.

 

December 25, 1917.

B.E.F. ITALY.

CHRISTMAS DAY

 

We are having as good a Christmas as is possible away from England.  It is cold but bearable.  Two days holiday has been proclaimed, except for the necessary work in connection with the horses.

 

Today I rose moderately late, and went to stables. At midday I visited billets, and saw dinner served out to the men.  It consisted of seven little pigs, two vegetables, plum puddings, oranges, apples and nuts.  The suckling pigs, provided by the officers, had been purchased sometime previously, well fattened up, and slaughtered by the battery cook.  Roasting took place on the premises of the village baker.

 

The officers also duly celebrated by feasting. Breakfast: porridge, bacon and eggs, toast and marmalade; lunch: soup, roast pork, three vegetables, plum pudding, fruit with quite good white wine which I discovered, and liqueurs; then dinner: soup, fish cakes, two large turkeys with sausages and chestnuts, three vegetables, plum pudding, very excellent, pate de foie gras, fruit, and for drink: Italian champagne, liqueurs, coffee and whisky.  The cook excelled himself.

 

To crown the celebration a large Christmas mail arrived. With many welcome letters from home I also received others.  They were from anxious or angry mothers, wives, sisters and other relatives of the men, asking what had become of their sons, husbands, brothers, boys and what not, Tom, Dick, Bert, as they had not heard from them for a month or more.  On such lamentable occasions they would all write to the wretched battery commander.  One woman was quite cross with me, and demanded why I had not replied to her earlier letter.

 

I hope you are getting some of my letters now. I believe a train smash in France destroyed some of our mail.

 

We have bought two live pigs which we are feeding on the men’s leavings.

 

Jock Amour expresses himself as “fed up”, in spite of the fare. The Doctor is at present as there is a lot of sickness in the Brigade.  After this festival he is likely to be still busier.

 

Snow has arrived. It is not pleasant for the horses.  Neither do we want it.

 

So you have been helping at the Food Control Office. How on earth do you control food?  I know nothing about these new institutions.  I have only seen about three English papers in two months.

 

One of our batteries is in a sad way. It needs pulling together.  It is commanded by an elderly ranker major.  The horses have mange, and the men are dirty and slovenly.  Perhaps the latter is the cause of the former.  At present our battery has escaped mange.

 

Most of my nights lately have been spent drawing maps and making and considering plans and schemes, for all eventualities, after the day’s reconnaissance. It has been hard work but interesting.

 

One day lately we had a strenuous time. I took the Battery staff, four officers, six sergeants and others to see some possible battery positions, ways of approach, and the characteristics of the country up in the mountains.  We started at 7 a.m. on a cold and frosty morning.  We arrived back at about 8 p.m. very tired and stiff.  Altogether we rode 25 miles on horseback, walked 6 miles, climbed one hillock of 1000 feet, and a hill of 4000 feet into real hard and deep snow.  The climb up on the latter took two hours, straight up the side by a mule track.  From the top we had a wonderful view of the mountains and of the Austrian lines.

 

We considered it too tiring and perhaps rather risky to return the way we had come, so we went back in an empty Italian service lorry by one of the fine new military roads, which winds with many spirals and hair-pin turns down to the valley below. It was by this way twenty-two miles down, and took one hour and ten minutes including waits at places for vehicles to pass.

 

On top the cold was intense. The Italian soldiery up there have a very miserable time, and suffer much from frost bite.  I send you some edelweiss from there.

 

The poorer inhabitants are extraordinarily kind to the troops, the women especially so, in allowing them to use the fire in their only living room and in lending them utensils.

 

Cannot you come out here with Lady Plumer? Ask her if she would bring you.