ORDERLY ROOM

B/5583

2nd Bn. THE BORDER REGT.

SOME NOTES ON THE OPERATIONS OF THE ORIGINAL 7TH DIVISION.

ORDER OF BATTLE.

Divisional Commander – Major-General T. Capper.

20th (Guards) Infantry Brigade –                Brigadier-General Ruggles Brise.

            1st Grenadier Guards.

2nd Scots Guards.

2nd Gordon Highlanders.

2nd Border Regiment.

21st Infantry Brigade –                                 Brigadier-General H.E. Watts.

2nd Royal Scots Fusiliers.

2nd Wiltshire Regiment.

2nd Bedfordshire Regiment.

2nd Yorkshire Regiment.

22nd Infantry Brigade –                                Brigadier-General S.T.B. Lawford.

1st South Stafford Regiment.

2nd Queen’s Regiment.

1st Royal Welsh Fusiliers.

2nd Royal Warwickshire Regiment.

Divisional Artillery – Brigadier-General P.K. Jackson.

14th Horse Artillery Brigade.

22nd Field Artillery Brigade.

35th Field Artillery Brigade.

Divisional Engineers.

54th Field Company, R.E.

55th Field Company, R.E.

7th Divisional Signal Company.

Divisional Mounted Troops –                     Northumberland Hussars.

Divisional Cyclist Company.

21st Field Ambulance

22nd Field Ambulance.

23re Field Ambulance.

Oct. 5 & 6.     On October 5th and 6th, 1914, the 7th Division sailed from

SOUTHAMPTON, landed at ZEEBRUGE on the 6th and 7th October,

  “  7.   and billeted round BRUGES.

  “ 8.    On the 8th, the Division was moved Westward to cover the disembarkment of

  “  9.   the 3rd  Cavalry Division at OSTEND, and on the 9th it moved to GHENT.

  “  11. On October 11th large enemy forces were reported to be closing in on GHENT

and, at 10 p.m. that night, the Division commenced its march to join up with the remainder of the Army in France.

  “ 12th.           By daylight the 12th it had reached the area BELLEM, AELTRE,

HANSBEKE, where a halt was made; but the proximity of the enemy necessitated an immediate resumption of the march to THIELT, which was reached at 10 p.m. that night.

  “ 13th.           On the 13th ROULERS was reached, and on the 14th

”14th    YPRES, where a halt was made.

 “ 16th On the 16th the Division moved forward to the line

 “ 18th. ZANDVOORDE – GHELUVELT – ZONNEBEKE; and on the 18th, to the line

ZANDVOORDE – KRUISEIK – TERHAND.

Orders were received to attack MENIN the next day.

  “ 19th.The attack which was directed on KLEYTHOEK was made by the 22nd

Infantry Brigade moving astride the MENIN – ROULERS Road.  Before it had gone far, however, it was taken in flank by the enemy coming from COURTRAI direction, and the 22nd Infantry Brigade was forced to withdraw to a general line ZANDVOORDE – KRUISEIK – ZONNEBEKE.  This withdrawal was successfully carried out.

  “20th. On October 20th, the 20th Infantry Brigade was ordered to reconnoitre

GHELUWE, and by 12.30 p.m. had got within 800 yards of that place when strong hostile columns were reported advancing from BECELAERE and ZONNEBEKE.  The 20th Infantry Brigade was consequently withdrawn, not, however, before it had suffered some loss.

By 4 p.m. this day heavy fighting was in progress along the whole front held by the Division and it was from now onward that the enemy delivered his great series of attacks known as the 1st Battle of YPRES.

The chief weight of these attacks was delivered against the 7th Division.  The enemy was able to enfilade our line both from the North and South; he had a great superiority in numbers and artillery, and was able to hurl fresh troops into the battle against our worn and tired battalions; but in spite of all their efforts the Germans could not destroy the fighting spirit and resistance of our troops.

“ 21st.  During the morning of October 21st, the enemy strongly attacked the 2nd

Cavalry Division at HOUTHEM.  This attack exposed the right flank of the 7th Division and two Companies of 2nd Battalion Scots Guards were sent up to the threatened flank.  Later on it became necessary to send part of the 3rd Cavalry Division also to this flank.  The enemy seized this opportunity to make a strong attack against our weakened left flank.  He got to within 200 yards of our line which here was held by 22nd Infantry Brigade, but was there held up by rifle fire.  It was decided to withdraw the 22nd Infantry Brigade, during the night, to a line running through POLYGON WOOD, North Westwards, and at the same time the 3rd Cavalry Division took over a portion of the front of the 20th Infantry Brigade.

  Oct 22nd.      All morning of 22nd October heavy artillery fire was directed against the

junction of the 21st and 22nd Infantry Brigades and this was followed, in the afternoon by strong hostile attacks.  These attacks at first forced back the right of the 22nd Infantry Brigade, but subsequently, after severe fighting, the situation was restored.

“ 23.    On the 23rd October, the enemy continued to bombard the left of our line, held

by the 21st Infantry Brigade, and also the KRUISEIK SALIENT on our right of which was held by the 20th Infantry Brigade.  Later strong attacks developed against the 21st Infantry Brigade.  These attacks, however, were beaten off, after severe fighting.

  “ 24.  On October 24th, the enemy bombardment started early in the morning, and

attacks made with masses of men followed.  Before 8 a.m. the enemy’s weight of numbers had enabled him to break through our lines on the left of the 21st Infantry Brigade and enter POLYGON WOOD.  This made the situation of the 20th Infantry Brigade holding KRUISEIK Hill precarious and endangered the whole of our right being cut off.  The only troops available for immediate action were the 2nd Battalion Royal Warwickshire Regiment, much weakened and tired, and the Northumberland Hussars.  Both were sent up to save the situation which at one time was so serious that the whole of Divisional Headquarters were lined up to oppose the enemy.  However, the counter-attack was a conspicuous success: by 10 a.m. the enemy’s advance had been checked, and he was even driven back some distance, but he could not be completely expelled from the WOOD.

The situation at POLYGON WOOD had just been restored when the enemy, at 2 p.m., attacked the junction of the 20th and 21st Infantry Brigades just East of GHELUVELT.

The 1st Grenadier Guards bore the brunt of this attack and after desperate fighting checked the enemy advance.

While this fighting was taking place the 2nd Division relieved the 22nd Infantry Brigade who were brought into Divisional Reserve.

 “ 25.   During the 25th of October the enemy renewed his violent attacks against the

junction of the 20th and 21st Infantry Brigades, but without success.  Meanwhile the enemy succeeded in breaking through our line at KRUISEIK, and the Brigadier 20th Infantry Brigade threw in his last reserves to recover the position.  This enabled the situation to be restored and 200 of the enemy were captured.  The 104th Battery gave very valuable support to the Infantry this day.

The 20th Infantry Brigade by this time was rapidly becoming exhausted.  It had been exposed to incessant enfilade artillery fire for some days and had had to repulse innumerable attacks.  To relieve the pressure on it, the 22nd Infantry Brigade was ordered forward and during the night

“ 26.    26th/27th October took over most of the line held by the 20th Infantry Brigade. 

The line held running from the Cross roads East of GHELUVELT to ZANDVOORDE.

For the next two days no serious attack was made against our positions, and the opportunity was taken to reorganise the defence.

“ 27.    On the evening of 27th October, our line was held by the 21st Infantry Brigade

on right, 20th Infantry Brigade on left, 22nd Infantry Brigade in reserve.

Oct. 29th.        On October 29th, the enemy began a series of six days continuous

attacks, delivered on a scale which exceeded all his previous efforts.

These started in the early morning with an attack delivered at about 8 a.m. against our left and the 1st Division on our left.  Our line was broken and the flank of the 20th  Infantry Brigade exposed to a heavy enfilade fire which forced it back from the cross roads.  An immediate counter-attack partially restored the situation but failed to recover the Cross roads.  Severe fighting continued all day, and at nightfall our line ran from a point half way between GHELUVELT & the cross roads to a point 1,500 yards West of KRUISEIK.

At nightfall the line was held by portions of the 20th Infantry Brigade on the left, by the 21st Infantry Brigade on the right, with the 1st  Battalion Royal Welsh Fusiliers between the 21st Infantry Brigade and the Cavalry at ZANDVOORDE.

“ 30th.  On October 30th, the enemy renewed his attacks with greater intensity than

ever, and succeeded in capturing ZANDVOORDE Ridge: the 30th and 31st of October were the most critical days of the whole of the 1st Battle of YPRES.

At about 8.30 a.m. the Cavalry on the right, under heavy pressure, withdrew from ZANDVOORDE which the enemy at once occupied.  This exposed the right of the 1st Battalion Royal Welsh Fusiliers who were enfiladed by rifle and machine gun fire.  The Germans then brought up 12 Field Guns into ZANDVOORDE and opened a heavy fire on our positions from the rear at close range.  The 105th and 106th Batteries at once sent up a section each which opened an accurate fire on these guns putting some out of action.  This fine piece of work on the gunners part prevented the enemy making full use of the commanding position he had won on ZANDVOORDE Ridge.

The position of the 1st Battalion Royal Welsh Fusiliers, however, was precarious.  Two Battalions of the 20th Infantry Brigade and some Cavalry were rushed up to their assistance, but it was not possible to relieve them, and the 1st Battalion Royal Welsh Fusiliers fighting to the last man were overwhelmed by the enemy losing their Commanding Officer, 10 Officers, and 350 men out of 450.  Two Battalions were then sent forward to stop, at all costs, the enemy’s further advance and regain, if possible, the ZANDVOORDE Ridge.  They succeeded in checking the enemy’s advance but could not recapture the Ridge.

Meanwhile on the left the enemy had delivered equally heavy attacks along the MENIN Road and had captured GHELUVELT.  That evening our line ran a little to the West of the VELDHOEK – ZANDVOORDE Road and was held by the 21st Infantry Brigade on the left, the 22nd Infantry Brigade on the right, the 20th Infantry Brigade in reserve.

“ 31st.  Between 10 and 11 a.m. on October 31st, the enemy’s attacks were renewed

against the left of our line.  During the fighting the left of the 21st Infantry Brigade became exposed and the 20th Infantry Brigade was brought up to restore the situation which was successfully accomplished.

The 22nd Infantry Brigade also was heavily attacked, and it was only after a very heavy and fluctuating fight that it managed to beat off the enemy.  By the evening of this day, however, all enemy attacks had been repulsed and our line re-established.

Notebooks of W. Allason.

1st Beds were in 5 Division, 15 Brigade.

All the notebooks were written on the right hand page and additions, photos, cartoons or other documents were added to the left hand page.

In August 1914 the Battalion was posted at Mullingar

Book One

Friday 3rd Aug.          About * p.m. a wire arrived directing my Armagh Detachment to move at once to Clifden wireless station and make preparations for its defence.  On proceeding to the railway station I was informed that no special could be got before Monday afternoon.  The Dublin office would be closed and nobody with authority to arrange specials would return before 9 o’clock on Monday morning.  Fortunately owing to the Ulster trouble the telephone office was kept open all night and I wired to the Headquarters Irish Command to kindly arrange for a special.  The Detachment reached Clifden about 10 pm on Saturday night.  Marconi’s agent to whom I had wired met us but said he could not allow us into the compound without the sanction of the company for which he had wired.

            This arrived as we completed our march in the dark and in a deluge of rain otherwise we should have been obliged to dispense with it.  Picquets and sentries were soon posted & the men got under cover.  On arrival at Clifden the inhabitants thought we had come down to stop gun running and were by no means pleased to see us.  When they realised war with Germany was impending they could not do too much for us, and asked if they might fire a salute with revolvers when we left finally for Mullingar.  I begged to be excluded.  For the next few days we had a busy time entrenching I had to arrange for feeding the men and to start a grocery bar – nothing could be bought in the compound.  In addition I had to arrange for the transport of 100 tons of war material daily to the compound.  The local carter went on strike for double wages but by getting a motor lorry from Galway I made them see the error of their ways.  We remained there until the 7th Aug.

On the opposite page is a sketch map of the locations through which the Battalion had travelled.

14th August.  We entrained at Mullingar at about 2 a.m. & reached Belfast about 10 a.m. the inhabitants were taken by surprise but there was much waving of flags.  We embarked on the Oranza and sailed at 2 p.m.  The voyage was uneventful there appeared to be a lot of shipping about & occasionally we saw a man of war in the distance.  On the 15th at night in a heavy rain storm we nearly ran down a ship, of course all lights were *** **

16th August.  We reached Havre at 6.30 a.m. and marched to the rest camp through cheering crowds by noon – a very hot march. 

17th Left the rest camp at 8 p.m. and marched some miles to the station where we spent the rest of the night lying on the platform.  We entrained about 4 a.m. and the train left at 6 a.m.

18th August.  Le Cateau was reached at 9 p.m. and we marched 4 miles to Pommereuil where we arrived about 11 p.m. and got into billets about midnight.  For food on the way up we had to manage as best we could a certain amount of hot water was procured from the engine for making tea.  Each Company had a *** for the officers and a lot of delicacies such as bottled peas, beans, fruit, etc.  Shearman was by way of saving these against a rainy day I was all for feeding well while we could.  (We had Coy messes).  It was just as well we did eat some of the things as the remainder all fell into the hands of the Germans.

At Pommereuil the men were all billeted in barns, the officers in peasants’ houses, these were scrupulously clean and they refused to accept any payments except for chickens and eggs.  There were large orchards at the back of the farmhouses which the men were told to make free of.  The men tried very hard to make the inhabitants understand Hindustani but when they found that was useless managed to do remarkably well by signs.  For the first few days officers were constantly being asked to translate certain words but the men soon learnt to find for themselves.  We were told that we would probably remain a week in those billets.  On the 19th & 20th we went for route marches and on the 21st orders to move came.  We marched to Gussignies about 12 miles and billeted as before.  On the 22nd we marched to Boussau Bois where the men were billeted in a school.  We sat down to meals with the school mistress (4 officers) and had typical Belgian food, not much to our liking.  All the buildings were decorated with English & Belgian flags.

On opposite page is a photo annotated Bn H.Q. estaminet on right.  Paturages station destroyed.

On Sunday the 23rd the men were allowed into the town but suddenly about midday came trooping back by the Br. General’s orders.  Two Coys under Maj Thorpe were sent off to make trenches.  Presently an aeroplane appeared and little cotton wool like puffs pursued it in every direction.  Heavy gun firing could also be heard and the school mistress prudently removed all the bunting.  At 5.30 p.m. we were ordered to move to Paturages station, we were told that our troops were holding the line of the canal.  On the way I was told by a lot of excited Belgians that the Germans were only a few hundred yards up a road we crossed at right angles.  I ordered Lt. Gledstanes to form up his platoon across the road and fix bayonets.  I rode on and reported to Col Griffith who dismissed the report as preposterous so I withdrew the platoon.  Shortly afterwards (7 p.m.) we reached the station where we found a few men of the Cheshires on outpost duty holding a very extended line along the railway.

On opposite page is a sketch map of the Mons area and below that a photograph entitled View towards Frameries the brickfields in foreground.

They had been unable to get in touch with the 3rd Division on our right.  I was asked to take an officers’ patrol and try and find them without adventuring too far as by that time very alarming rumours were coming in brought by civilians.  After going about a mile eastwards along the line and dropping a post to guard the branch line we heard a large force of guns cavalry and infantry crossing a bridge to our front.  I sent on Lt. Shearman to crawl right up and make sure of them & then returned to the station and reported to Col Griffith that the enemy had evidently penetrated our line.  There was no means of getting the report back except by Belgian civilians and there was every chance of them failing to get through.  We broke into the station masters office but were unable to work the telephone.  A very irate station master then appeared furious with us for breaking into his office.  He was appeased with difficulty but could not get an answer on the phone.  We all left the office but I tackled him again and appealed to him to make another effort as the situation was exceedingly dangerous.  He returned and after some time got a reply.  I called up the Colonel and a message was sent direct to Headquarters.

On the opposite page is a note in red ink saying “To O.C. “C” Coy.  General Haking’s brigade has joined us on our right and is in rear of you.  Take care that your men do not get into his line of fire.  Retire at dawn towards station along the railway line if you are pressed by enemy.  G.R.J. Griffith Lt Col.”

The message came back “Well done the Bedfords hold on at all costs.  The 5th Brigade is moving to Frameries and 3 Battns will be sent to support you”.  By this time a report had come in from Major Thorpe that owing to shell fire he was unable to leave his trenches and join us while Shearman sent back to say that the Germans had halted and were bivouacking.  I returned to Shearman’s platoon and in the dark took what measures I could to make the place defensible.  About 2.30 a.m. the German patrols began to push forward in the dark and our advanced scouts retired fighting.  Shearman received the Médaille Militaire and the D.S.O. for his day’s work.  At 3 a.m. General Haking’s (15th) Bde arrived near Frameries and the pressure was relieved; as it grew light we worked hard making a barricade of sleepers across the railway lines and as there were not enough to make it bullet proof I caused packs to be laid on top to make believe they were barricades which were held.

The firing soon became rather warm the Germans advancing across our front towards Frameries and Gen. Haking’s Bde. 

On the opposite page is a sketch map of the action.

Our advanced posts at X and Y and the platoon under Q.M.S. Hall did yeoman work.  Finally the Germans established a machine gun near Z which raked our line between Y and X killing two men and wounding others.  Shearman had been wounded while reconnoitring earlier in the day.  I was forward at Y and ordered the platoon to move back to a row of houses A. B. but kept a few men still sniping at Y.  Q.M.S. Halls’ platoon had wiped out a party of Germans who had reached C but a strong force (about 400) advanced from Z and got into the railway cutting.  I now withdrew the advanced snipers and opened a heavy fire from A. B. this stopped the advance and they were apparently put off advancing down the cutting under cover owing to the barricades right across with the packs on top.  They would appear to be on the back of men waiting to counter attack.  At this period or a little earlier Major Thorpe’s two companies arrived and Capt Edwards with one company took up a line from C to the right.  General Haking’s Brigade was withdrawn.

On the opposite page is a sketch map showing this action.

            My company, C, still had two platoons guarding the station, one platoon at A.B. and one platoon at E on the knoll behind and a section in the back gardens of some houses at F and another in a garden at G.  The walls were prepared for defence & loopholes made.  An attack was anticipated on the station but it never materialised.  The Germans next brought up some guns peppering the stack heaps badly and demolishing the row of houses A.B.  I was in one of them attending to a wounded man when a shell burst and deafened me.  I could not hear with it for about 6 weeks.  Major Thorpe brought up reinforcements but we found the shell fire too hot.  I withdrew the men to a second line further back covering the station K on fig 1.  This was another row of houses and the men although they had had one block of buildings blown down while in them at once broke into the houses and established themselves in the upper windows.  We were left undisturbed and at 3.30 p.m. received orders to retire.  It would appear that the 5th Fusiliers were holding a bridge on Sunday across the canal owing to some blunder it was not blown up altho’ prepared.  The 5th held on in the houses covering the bridge but being heavily shelled retired to Frameries.  The Germans then poured over the canal and began to attack Frameries about 3 a.m.  The 5th retired altogether about 10 a.m.

The above information was taken from the St. Georges’ Gazette the 5th Fusiliers Regtal Paper.  The Germans had outflanked us 5½ hours before we started to retire so that our getting away was little short of marvellous.

On the opposite page “Throughout the day I heard nothing of our guns and German aeroplanes appeared to be hovering over us like hawks without one of ours being visible.”

Casualties:  Missing Sherman & 66 Other Ranks.

            Within half an hour we were ordered to move back to Wasmes by the Bde Major with two companies but Major Thorpe who was with the leading one became so heavily engaged that orders were issued for each coy to retire independently as best it could through the streets.  I never expected to see Major Thorpe’s coy again.  At every street corner we heard of the Germans at one point we saw some cross the road in front of us.  At another we saw a lot of our men who had been killed just before.  Presently we came on a large (about 100) number of British stragglers, these were pushed on in front then a party of the Cheshire Regt under Capt. Rich came in from a side street.  They had only just escaped capture.  We now got into open country and I arranged a series of ambushes each supporting the other.  This gave the lame ducks a bit of a start and simply transformed the men forming the ambushes.  They hoped they were going to get a little of their own back. 

On the opposite page.  I commanded a house and was able to regulate the withdrawal of the rearmost party.  A task which would otherwise have proved impossible.  There ought to be one Officer with the rear party and a second for placing each of the ambushes.

25th August.  Presently an Artillery General rode up and directed the retirement to continue with all speed.  We reached a bivouac near St. Waast in which we found Major Thorpe’s company at 7.30 p.m.  We rested an hour (having been on the move 25 hrs) and then marched 17 miles meeting Col Griffith with the other two Coys on the way.  We had 4 hours rest in a field, here we formed up after dark I had to send out posts to hold the edge of a wood a few hundred yards off.  There was no water obtainable.  I had lost my waterbottle & field glasses.  Three men were sharing the remains of a waterbottle boiling the water to make tea.  It was brought round to me first but I refused to take it tho’ I appreciated the spirit which prompted the offer.  And then marched 23 miles on to Le Cateau.  It was a boiling hot day as the column marched along there was a constant accompaniment of big guns every moment we expected a heavy shelling.  An aeroplane fight occurred during the march.  We did not witness its conclusion but heard later that the German was killed.  A French girl in high-heeled shoes and open work stockings kept up with us for miles.  Her brother was grumbling the whole time but she was as cheery as possible.

We rested in a field for 2 hrs and then about 5 p.m. moved to another field where we understood we were to remain a week to recoup.  The 4th Div newly out from England covering our front in a previously prepared position.  I went to a farm house at Troisvilles borrowed a towel & soap and had a good wash in an outhouse.  It was needed.

            26th August.  At midnight Sgt. Nolans ran into camp saying the Germans were on us.  Investigation proved that his platoon had fired at shadows but it alarmed the whole camp.  We were ordered to stand to arms at 3.30 a.m. & were told that the retirement would be continued at 8 a.m.  Just as we were marching off a counter order came to occupy the trenches as the Germans were on us.  We did so getting there just in time.  I galloped along our line of trenches and thus had a fair idea of the number of men to hold each.  We held on till 4 p.m. and then received orders to retire by the right.  The troops on the right had retired some time before & I had been obliged to order Capt. Newington to take up a position on a ridge to cover my retirement a little earlier.  The men went beyond the ridge instead of following Capt. Newington and were stopped by Count Gleichen who ordered them forward again.  This forward movement was assumed to be a counter attack & is said to have delayed the enemy’s advance.  On my left Capt. Monteith had already moved back.  To create a diversion I ordered my two platoons in 2nd line to open a heavy burst of fire with “combined” sights on a point where some German machine guns were firing.  The leading platoons then doubled back over about 400 yards of open ground to the sunken road whence I sent them on to the village.

On the opposite page is a plan of the Troisvilles situation.

Two men carried a box full of ammunition back between them even tho’ they could only carry it at a walk and German machine guns were playing on them at a range of about 400 yds.  The trenches had been dug by civilian labour and were very poor.  They had to be improved under fire.  Our transport and the 2 guns which had been doing great execution behind us had already gone back.  We then gave another burst of fire and retired to a position in front of the village.  From here we witnessed the shelling of the sunken road we had left and then they started on the village. 

By this time all the other troops had gone and Major Onslow ordered our retirement.  The road along which we moved was being heavily shelled.  Presently we were joined by a dozen K.O.S.B. who came in from a side turning and a little way on saw an ambulance wagon full of wounded, with the pole and traces broken, abandoned on the road.

On the opposite page is a newspaper cutting showing St. Quentin.  Above this is written Von Kluck states in The March on Paris “The IV Corps engaged strong Brit forces on the front Caudry, Troisvilles Renmount at about 9 a.m. and got into a difficult position.”

Casualties: Lt. Wagstaff & 30 men.

At this point the rear guard struck off to the right across country.  I decided not to leave the wounded behind and with Lt. Duke some of our own men and some of the K.O.S.Bs we pushed it along the road.  Dr Cheques was mentioned in despatches for taking part.  We had a lively time as the Germans were concentrating their fire on the road which ran parallel to their front for a bit.

Another party of K.O.S.B. then joined us and we put Col Stephenson (K.O.S.B.) in the wagon.  He had been stunned by a shell.  We went on about 5 miles in all and then met Gen. Count Gleichen who ordered the wagon to be abandoned and the men with it to act as a rear guard along the road. 

27th Aug.        We marched on till about 1.30 a.m. when having lost 2 coy we halted for 2½ hrs in a field and then marched just beyond St. Quentin.  Here we found Col. Griffith & 2 Corps and remained from 11 a.m. to 1 p.m. while we all had bread and foie gras I had purchased in the town.  We then marched on till 6 p.m. & bivouaced.

It was a beautiful day we crossed the Oise and marched for some distance along its banks to Eaucourt.  Here there was a huge jumble of units C Coy was detailed to find certain ill defined picquets on the roads and to have two platoons on guard at Div. HQ.  I was on the move all night.  About 2 a.m. on 28th bad news came in and orders to continue the retirement were issued.  Gledstanes & I managed to get some food in the chateau kitchen.  Proceeding to the river bank at dawn I found that all the bridges were being blown up but an infinite number of large barges and small boats containing refugees were on the water so that the Germans could make floating bridges at the shortest notice.  This I reported to Gen. Fergusson but he said it did not matter.  Perhaps there was no time to issue fresh orders.  We were two hours late getting away.  The confusion was very great.  Gen. Fergusson himself stood at some cross roads trying to get a semblance of order into some units.

28th     We moved off at 4.30 a.m. & went through Augny halting short of Noyon for 4 hrs at noon.  It was exceedingly hot and a long line of transport monopolised the greater part of the road.  Straggling was very bad a lot of men got lifts on carts.  We & the Dorsets were almost the only Battns that really kept together.  The four hours rest enabled the men to eat their food in comfort and we then marched through Noyon, a fine town, the whole British army seemed to be passing through.  We went on across the suspension bridge to Pontoise taking hours to cover the last few miles, we got into bivouac, a field by the road side, after dark about 9 p.m.  Pte Hawkins rejoined here.  He was shot through the bone below the knee and marched 3 days – on extra ordinary feat of endurance.

29th  The next morning I received orders to reconnoitre the high ground north of the river as to its suitability for defence.  I took two mounted orderlies with me and started out at 1 p.m.  Soon after crossing the river we met two dragoons who reported that a few hours before the Germans had rushed their post at Ginnard and that they had only just escaped by the skin of their teeth. 

On the opposite page a diagram of the German attack on Le Cateau.

I sent one Dragoon back, with one orderly to show him the way, to Count Gleichen and went on with the other two, expecting every moment to run into a German patrol as they would naturally also be making for the same high ground.  Rounding a corner we came across an infantry Bn resting, their sentries were within 100 yards of the troops.  I was informed that they had orders to take up an outpost line on the high ground further on.  I explained that if they did not hurry up they would find the enemy there first and sent my other orderly to report the fact of British troops being on the hill side to Count Gleichen.  I rode on to make my reconnaissance keeping the Dragoon to watch for the enemy while I was doing so.  On completing the work I rode back 3 hrs later passing the same Battn in the same position.  There was a gap between them and the Battn on their left of a good mile.  This last Battn had its sentries stuck out in the middle of a field where they could be seen quite a mile off.  A German aeroplane passed over only about 600 feet up but was not fired at.  It was taken to be British or French.  No distinguishing marks were in use but pamphlets had been issued showing different types.  On arrival in bivouac I found the troops moving off I delivered my report.  We reached Carlepont about midnight.  The troops halted in the streets while I tried to arrange about billets. 

30th.    These were rather split up and as we had to move on at 3.30 a.m. the C.O. decided to leave the men where they were.  I had some food in a house & then slept for an hour in the street with my head on the curb stone.  The men had some straw to lie on but moving off in the dark men are very apt to lose their kit and swap rifles and straw does not improve matters.

We reached Crotuy about noon.   I slept in a bed and had a bath in an outhouse attached to the chateau of Gen de France.  There was also a large garden full of fruit.  The men were all housed in barns and a great shaving and washing took place.

31st.  We had quite a Europe morning and did not move off till 7 a.m.  It takes about 2 hrs from the time of getting up to get the breakfasts finished & the carts loaded up.  We marched via Share passing Pierrefords to Crepy where we arrived at 6 p.m. and bivouaced in a field. 

On the opposite page is a chart showing locations in the text.

Notebooks of W. Allason.

1st Beds were in 5 Division, 15 Brigade.

All the notebooks were written on the right hand page and additions, photos, cartoons or other documents were added to the left hand page.

17th 8.14.  Left the rest camp at 8 p.m. and marched some miles to the station where we spent the rest of the night lying on the platform.  We entrained about 4 a.m. and the train left at 6 a.m.

Dick-Cunyngham letter to wife dated 31 Aug 1914

Dick-Cunyngham letter to wife dated 31 Aug 1914

My darling one,

I have had some rest at last & feel more lively – I was almost overcome one day with fatigue & loss of sleep. I had only 40 min on the floor in 48 hours, & started off without any breakfast or sleep on a long days work – result, I couldn’t ride because I fell forward in the saddle. I couldn’t walk except like a drunken man, so I got on hanging on to a stirrup leather – Times have been hard and sorrowful, I have not seen or heard any authentic news of the Regt: and am in great anxiety – The Weather is dreadfully hot & oppressing – we manage to find fairly comfy quarters, one night in a beautiful Chateau, all furnished and we had an excellent dinner, commandeering some champagne & old Brandy to revive us.

I have not seen any casualty list, fear many friends have gone, and it must take time before lists are full & complete. A good many are turning up – Darling one I fear this is a dreadful anxiety for you all at home, I honestly hope the worst is over, but with such a huge front for Armies to work over it will probably take time.

Our letters have not been very good – only about 2 posts so far, somehow we never seem to settle down into working the post.

Have seen Weir, Charlton, Kay, & many other S.C. officers – I wish I could see the Regt & find out all about them.

Send me some more cigarettes & a small box of Harrod’s No 1 club cigar when you can I am out I find & don’t care for a pipe in this heat – I slept out last night & found it quite warm. Straw makes an excellent bed – I have found this paper in a case handed to me today so am making use of it.

My precious one, don’t be anxious I am very fit & as happy as can be. I still picture you in the little cottage – where you will be surrounded with sympathetic friends – I am writing to Mother now as we are waiting for orders

All my love to you both
Your devoted
Jimmie

For Betty XXXXXXXXXXXXXX

With envelope addressed to Mrs Dick Cunyngham, Mount View, Crownhill S.O., S. Devon. England. Endorsed No stamps available. Signed Dick Cunyngham. Postmarked ARMY POST OFFICE 42 AU 31 14. Also London Paid 8 SP 14

Letter ref P C Lister 24 August 1914

Headed notepaper of
On Admiralty, War Office, and Crown Agents’ Lists.
The Parsons Motor Co., Ltd.,
Engineers
Town Quay Works, SOUTHAMPTON.

August 24th 1914
L/H
The Recruiting Officer
Royal Engineers.

Sir,
We have to-day filled in a portion of Army Form. . B. 195 handed to us by one of our employees now a candidate for enlistment in the Royal Engineers, namely Percival Charles Lister who was in our employment up till Saturday last the 22nd instant, and whom we regard as an exceptionally good Turner and Machinist on small accurate work, on ordinary Engine Lathes, Universal Grinders, Shaping & Slotting Machines.
He is accustomed to working to fine limits, and can use the Micrometer and Limit Gauges.
He has our best wishes for a successful career.
Yours faithfully
THE PARSONS MOTOR CO., LTD.
.

Dick-Cunyngham letter to wife dated 11 Aug 1914

Dick-Cunyngham letter to wife dated 11 Aug 1914

On headed notepaper
Anchor Line
Twin screw steamer S.S. Caledonia.

My darling one,

We are all aboard – after all the advance party went away earlier at 3.30 & here we are – a good big ship – food & all luxuries aboard – au revoir my darling
Your own
Hubby.

With black edged envelope addressed to Mrs Dick Cunyngham, Mount View, Crownhill S.O., S. Devon. Postmarked Southampton 11 p.m. Aug 14 14.

Dick-Cunyngham letter to wife dated 6 Aug 1914

Dick-Cunyngham letter to wife dated 6 Aug 1914

On headed notepaper of
The Dolphin Hotel.
Southampton

My own Precious one,

Have just arrived 11 p.m. and am staying here – whole Town one was of officers & men.

I shall never forget your dear sweet bravery today, you gave me strength to bear up, and God I know will send his blessing on you both.

I hope my darling little Betty was a comfort to you this crossing – it was a sad journey here – but I had companions all the way – a nice young Devon Subaltern who thinks he will get to Jersey tonight to join his Regt.

I shall get my orders in the morning & shall I expect be very busy – things look in an awful muddle. Met ‘a Senior’ here tonight, he forgot my name. I can’t remember his at present! Bald headed gunner – shall meet many other pals I expect in the morning.

All my love & God keep you safe. I will write again tomorrow

Your own
Jimmie

With black edged envelope addressed to Mrs Dick Cunyngham, Mount View, Crownhill S.O., S. Devon. Postmarked Southampton 12.15 p.m. 6 AU 14.

THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLDWIDE CONFLICT

One of the reasons for the outbreak of war in 1914 was the petty jealousies for the colonies of the British Empire throughout the world. Protection was required when Germany, along with other European nations, acquired their own colonies globally.

 

The war of 1914 was largely fought out in Europe. However, the conflict encompassed the whole world. The British Empire countries of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and India were committed to the declaration of war against Germany. Their citizens willingly volunteered to join the fight.

 

Japan had entered the war as Great Britain’s loyal ally. America eventually entered the war on the side of the allies, effectively completing the nations involved in the Great War.

 

AFRICAN THEATRE OF THE GREAT WAR

 

The continent of Africa had been colonised over the years by the British Empire, France, Germany, Belgium, Holland and Portugal.

 

The African Theatre was part of the Great War. Should war break out in Europe, the European colonies in Africa would remain neutral, under the Berlin Conference 1884. An editorial by the “East African Standard” on the 22nd August 1914 argued that Europeans in Africa should not fight each other. Instead, they should collaborate to dominate over the native African population. The British army attacked German held coaling and radio stations in S.W Africa, together with wireless stations elsewhere in Africa. By having control of the radio stations Britain would help clear the seas of German commerce raiders. In S.W, Africa German fusiliers defeated British troops, who retreated to British Territory. The South African army, having put down a rebellion by the Boers, conquered German South-west Africa. British and French forces invaded the German colony of Togoland in West Africa on the 7th August 1914 and Germany finally surrendered on the 26th August 1914. British forces attacked German troops at the Battle of Tere near Garva on the 25th August, eventually resulting in a German withdrawal. Fighting in Africa continues into 1918.

 

THE BATTLE OF CORONEL

 

Naval warfare was to form a part of the war. Admiral Graf Maximillian von Spee of the German East Asiatic squadron was operating in the Pacific Oceon. Spee had devised a plan to prey upon all shipping in the crucial trading routes off the west coast of South America. In early October 1914, the British had intercepted a radio communication giving details of the plan. The British West Indies Squadron, under the command of Admiral Cradock, patrolling South America, was ordered to deal with the problem.

 

Admiral Spee’s naval force consisted of five modern efficient armoured and light cruisers, whereas Admiral Sir Christopher Cradock had four not so modern cruisers. Hoping for reinforcements from Britain, Cradock waited in the Falkland Islands. When the reinforcements failed to appear, Cradock proceeded to meet up with the light cruiser “Glasgow” at Coronel. “Glasgow” had been despatched there to gather intelligence reports. Spee, with all his war ships, set out to destroy “Glasgow” after having heard she was patrolling alone. In the meantime, Cradock had ordered his squadron to adopt an attacking formation.

 

One message, sent by Winston Churchill, the First Lord of the Admiralty, ordered Cradock to halt any confrontation, pending any possible reinforcements from the Japanese navy. Whether Cradock received this message, no one actually knows.

 

Cradock had received an intercepted   radio signal, on the 31st October 1914, to say the German light cruiser “Leipzig” was in Cradock’s area. Promptly he ordered his squadron to intercept, and on the 1st November 1914, he encountered Spee’s entire force. Instead of retreating against superior opposition, Cradock decided to engage the Germans. However, he did order his converted ex liner “Ortanto” to break away and retreat. Spee’s reaction to this confrontation with the British was to move his squadron out of Cradock’s firing range. Spee proceeded to shell Cradock’s force and crippling the flagship “Good Hope”. Both armoured cruisers “Monmouth“and “Good Hope” were destroyed. Cradock drowned when he his ship went down and there were not any survivors of the two warships. Spee’s own fleet had suffered little damage and sailed for the German naval base in Chile. Two British ships “Glasgow” and “Ortanto” escaped.

 

Once the news had been received, the British Admiralty despatched a huge naval force under the command of Admiral Sir Frederick Sturdee. This fleet was designated to destroy Spee’s force when the two sides engaged at the Battle of the Falkland Islands.

 

 

THE BATTLE OF THE FALKLANDS ISLANDS

 

Speeding toward Port Stanley, in the Falkland Islands, Admiral Graf Maximillian von Spee was keen to raid the British radio station and coaling depot. Spee was keen to add the Falkland Islands to his credit after his East Adriatic Squadron success at defeating the British at the Battle of Coronel.

 

Britain’s First Sea Lord, Sir John Fisher, had ordered a squadron to the Falklands in order to reverse the defeat at Coronel.

 

Admiral Sir Frederick Sturdee was the commander of the British Fleet. The fleet was moored up, and re-coaling in Port Stanley. Spee commenced his attack on the 8th December 1914 and missed the opportunity strike the British fleet whilst still at dock. Realising the danger to his squadron Spee made a dash for the open sea but the British soon pursued.  Spee brought about an engagement, in the early afternoon, knowing he could not out-run the more powerful British cruisers. The cruiser “Invincible”, commanded by Edward Bingham had damage inflicted by the German cruisers “Scharnhorst”and “Geneienau”, who resumed a hasty escape. Sturdee was able to bring his cruisers within extreme firing range. Four of the five German cruisers were sunk, “Scharnhorst”, “Geneienau”, “Nurmburg” and “Leipzig”. Only one German cruiser, “Dresden” escaped but by March 1915 it’s captain surrendered and scuttled her off the Juan Fernandez Islands.

 

The British lost 10 sailors killed and minimal damage to “Invincible”. However, 2200 German sailors lost their lives together with the loss of four warships.

 

The success, by Sturdee, was a morale booster and complete reversal for the set-back at Coronel. As a result, German commerce raiding ceased until the introduction of the submarine at a later stage of the war.

 

 

 

Resources:-

 

Taylor, A.J.P., The First World War, George Rainbird Limited, London.

Wikipedia, African Theatre of World War 1, the free encyclopaedia.

Wikipedia, The Battle of Coronel 1914.

Wikipedia, The battle of the Falkland Islands, 1914.

August 4th

NOTIFICATIONS OF A STATE OF WAR

His Majesty’s Government informed the German Government on August 4th, 1914, that, unless a satisfactory reply to the request of His Majesty’s Government for an assurance that Germany would respect the neutrality of Belgium was received by midnight of that day, His Majesty’s Government would feel bound to take all steps in their power to uphold that neutrality and the observance of a treaty to which Germany was as much a party as Great Britain.

The result of this communication having been that His Majesty’s Ambassador at Berlin had to ask for his passports, His Majesty’s Government have accordingly formally notified the German Government that a state of war exists between the two countries as from 11 p.m. to-day.

Foreign Office

August 4th, 1914

Published in London Gazette of August 7th, 1914