BY BRIGADIER-GENERAL TREVOR TERNAN, C.M.G., D.S.O.,
COMMANDING 123rd (TYNESIDE SCOTTISH) BRIGADE.
HEADQUARTERS, ALNWICK,
4th MAY, 1915.
302 – District Court-Martial –
The detail of Officer as mentioned in Brigade Order 290 will re-assemble at the Orderly Room of the 20th (S.) Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers (1st Tyneside Scottish) on the 6th May, 1915, at 10 a.m., for the purpose of trying by District Court Martial the accused person named in the margin.
The accused will be warned, and all witnesses duly required to attend.
The proceedings will be forwarded to the G.O.C., 123rd (Tyneside Scottish) Brigade, “Alnbank” Alnwick.
Officers Commanding 20th, 21st, 22nd, and 23rd (S) Battalions Northumberland Fusiliers (1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th Tyneside Scottish) will each detail three officers to attend for instructional purposes.
In the margin. No. 1040 Private, John Forrester 20th (S. Btn, Northumberland Fusiliers (1st Tyneside Scottish).
303 – Brigade Depot – Formation of –
A Brigade Depot will be formed and will be quartered at Tilley’s Rooms, Market Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne. This Depot will consist of two Officers, all Home Service Men (other than Band boys), and a proportion of selected N.C.O.’s from each Battalion. All recruits enlisted at Newcastle and District for Battalions of this Brigade will be temporarily housed at Tilley’s Rooms, and sent out to Alnwick weekly, every Saturday.
The following Officers will be detailed for duty with the Brigade Depot:-
Until further orders all recruits will be drafted to the 20th (S.) Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers (1st Tyneside Scottish) to complete establishment.
304 – War Office Letters –
The attention of Officers Commanding Units is drawn to War Office Letter No. 91/Infantry/780 (A.G. 1), dated 18th April, 1915, and 105/General Number /1995 (C. 2), dated 24th April, 1915.
BY BRIGADIER-GENERAL TREVOR TERNAN, C.M.G., D.S.O.,
COMMANDING 123rd (TYNESIDE SCOTTISH) BRIGADE.
HEADQUARTERS, ALNWICK,
3rd MAY, 1915.
298 – Cap and Shoulder Badges – Issue of –
A free issue of men’s cap and shoulder badges for 1,350 men per Battalion is now being made to all Battalions of the Tyneside Scottish Brigade.
The 20th (S.) Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers (1st Tyneside Scottish) will be completed first, the other Battalions in succession.
After the initial issue has been made, Non-commissioned Officers and men will have to replace any loss on payment. In order to enable this to be done the Tyneside Scottish Committee have agreed to send to each Quartermaster’s Store at a later date 500 cap badges and 500 sets of shoulder badges. These will, therefore, be kept in the Quartermasters Store by each Unit for issue on payment only.
The Officers Commanding Units will be responsible that the sums received for issues on payment are remitted monthly to the Hon. Secretary, Tyneside Scottish Committee.
299 – Bands –
At the request of the Hospital Authorities, in future, no bands will play in the vicinity of the V.A. Hospital at Alnwick.
Officers Commanding Battalions will take steps to ensure that this order is most carefully adhered to.
300 – Extracts from Northern Command Orders –
“LONDON GAZETTE” –
The following extracts from a Supplement to the “London Gazette” of Tuesday, 27th April, 1915, are published for information:-
The Northumberland Fusiliers –
22nd Battalion (3rd Tyneside Scottish). – Percy Henry Satchwell to be temporary Second-Lieutenant. Dated 7th April, 1915.
Alexandra, Princess of Wales’ Own (Yorkshire Regiment)–
12th Battalion (Tees-side Pioneers). – The undermentioned to be temporary Second-Lieutenants:-
Norman Cox-Walker. Dated 18th March, 1915.
William Connal Macfarlane. Dated 18th March, 1915.
Raymond Cooke Taylor. Dated 23rd March, 1915.
Arthur Barrowcliff. Dated 11th April, 1915
Northern Command Order No.698.
DETENTION BARRACKS –
The Military Detention Barrack situated in the Civil Prison at Wakefield was opened for the reception of soldiers sentenced to detention on the 28th April, 1915.
Captain R.C. Hamilton, 3rd Reserve Battalion, the Royal Warwickshire Regiment, has been appointed Commandant, 2nd Class, under Article 454 of the Royal Warrant.
Applications for admission should be addressed to the Commandant, Military Detention Barracks, Wakefield.
Authority, War Office letter No. 23/Northern/171 (A.G. 3), dated 26th April, 1915.
C.R.N.C. No.47101 (A.). Northern Command Order No.700.
DETENTION BARRACKS – COMMITTALS TO –
It has been brought to notice that soldiers, in numerous instances, are committed to Detention Barracks with money and valuables, such as Watches, etc., in their possession. As this is contrary to the provisions of Para. 652 (A) King’s Regulations, such steps must be taken as will ensure that the instructions contained in that paragraph are carried out.
Authority, War Office letter No. 23/General Number/2617 (A.G. 3), dated 27/4/15.
C.R.N.C. No. 55854 (A.). Northern Command Order No.701.
301 – Command Orders – Attention Called to –
The attention of Officers Commanding Units is called to Northern Command Order No. 696, dated 1st May, 1915.
I had no shoes, and I murmured until I saw a man, who had no feet.
“Old Arabian Proverb”
KRIEGSGEFANGENENLAGER Luft 7
This book belongs to
Sgt. Ernest Wilkinson, R.A.F.
No. 2211329 P.O.W. No. 136.L.7.
1068 Bury Rd., Breightmet
Boulton Lancashire.
Y.M.C.A.
F.B. “Nobby” Clark
69 Blackbush Ave
Chadwell Heath
Essex
D.W.L. Brown
Vermillion
Alberta
Canada
W. McBurney
Gull Lake
Saskatewan
Canada
Taken prisoner by the Germans in the Pyrenees, 8 miles from the Spanish Border, on the 19th of April 1944. If we had left our hiding place 10 minutes later, we would probably have made Spain in about 4 hours. But we walked right into the arms of a German Patrol, who asked for our papers, but as we had none, we could not show them, so we had, “had it”.
The soldier who searched me on finding a 6” Bowie knife stuck in the waist band of my pants gave a shout, and jumped back about 6 ft, there was then a clicking of rifle bolts, and each man in the patrol shoved a round up the spout. We certainly expected being shot then and there, but luckily for us they were not a trigger-happy crowd, and no shots were fired. When he saw my uniform, which I had on underneath the civvy suit that I was wearing, he jumped back again and yelled “Ah Englander”. After the search one of the Jerries very kindly handed round his cigarettes.
They then marched us for about 4 miles to their H.Q. which was O.K. by us as they had to march too, and could not ride their bikes. On reaching their H.Q. we were treated very well by the Officers, who gave us beer (which was like water) and cigarettes. Whilst we were there waiting for an interrogation officer to come and question us, one of the officers told us in broken English and French, that after the war was over England would be swallowed up by America, we of course said that it would be better than being swallowed up by Germany.
The interrogation officer finally came, and he got a little peeved because he could get nothing out of us, we were threatened with the Gestapo and all the rest of it, but it made no difference. They could do nothing like that as we were in uniform.
A guard of nine men came at about two A.M. to take us to prison in Bayonne. Each of them was equipped with a tommy gun or rifle, and every-one of them had two potato mashers in his belt, they did not mean to let us escape. We arrived at the jail in Bayonne at about two thirty A.M., and we were put in a cell about ten ft wide, by fourteen ft long, where we remained until the fifth of May. The treatment we received off the guards was pretty fair but the grub was lousy. We were fed on, a cup of ersatz coffee for Breakfast, two course lunch consisting of two ½ bowls of cabbage soup, thin and thick, and about an eighth of a small loaf each. We had late dinner at about eight P.M. which was, half a bowl of thin cabbage soup and half a bowl of beans, which were pretty good. On the first day half of the grub which we got for lunch went down the drain, but after we had been there a few days we were not leaving a scrap, we were waiting behind the door of the cell when it was brought round, and we could not get enough to eat.
We had been in there two days, when two Yanks were put out in the exercise yard, on which our cell window looked, and we had a good chat with them, and they were glad to hear English voices for a change.
An the afternoon of the 5th of May we were given our civilian clothes again, and told to put them on as we were being moved. At 6 P.M. we were taken out of our cell and taken into the jail office where we were chained together in two’s. We were given enough food to last us for the journey, and were then marched to the station, with the two Yanks and another Yank who had been brought in a few days previously. Whilst we were in this jail, at Bayonne, we did not have a shave, or a smoke for about 14 days, and we looked like tramps.
The train journey lasted about 15 hours, and the guards treated us very well giving us cigarettes and buying us a pint bottle of beer each. We finally arrived in Paris where we were taken to Fresnes Jail, where the seven of us were put in two cells until the following day, when we were taken out for a shower and to have our clothes fumigation. The rear gunner and myself were then put in a cell with three Frenchmen who had been sentenced to various terms of labour in Germany. They could not speak English and we could not speak French, but we managed to understand each other by means of signs, and drawings on the wall. We were with them for two days, they were very nice fellows too.
On the 8th of May we were taken out again and all our personal possessions taken from us, and we were put into separate cells, and treated as military prisoners. What happened to the Yanks I do not know as that was the last we saw of them. They were in civvys, so they must have been treated as civilian prisoners and taken to another part of the jail. Although we were in solitary confinement we were treated very well, and the food was good, we received German Military Rations, we also had books to read and three cigarettes a day. We also got a shave once a week. But we got no exercise, except what we could get walking up and down the cell, which was seven paces each way. We only got out in the exercise yard for half an hour, all the time we were there.
The air raid alarm sounded frequently while we were there, and we used to stand at our cell windows and watch the fortresses and Liberators going over, and wish that we were up there with them. One Saturday evening Jerry was caught with his pants down, the alert and the all clear went three times, after the third all clear, the Yanks came over and caught Jerry napping. The jail shook like a jelly every time a cluster of bombs hit the deck. We could even see the bombs leave the aircraft, and could see them all the way down. One Fortress was hit by Flak and we saw one man bale out, I think he must have fallen about sixteen or seventeen thousand feet, before he pulled the rip cord. But he made it safely, I met him afterwards, when we were on our way to Frankfurt, and we had quite a chat.
We were moved from Paris on the evening of the 5th June 1944. There were nine of us in uniform, we were taken out and put in a coach, and one of the chaps, I found to be an old friend of mine, who had been shot down a month after us.
We left Fresnes Jail at about 5 P.M. and went right through the centre of the town, to the Luftwaffe Hospital, where we picked up another five or six men, one being an Englishman, and the rest Americans, one of the Americans was the chap who we had seen bale out of the Fortress on the previous Saturday evening, he was rather badly burned about the face. His name was Ben Tureman, and his parents originated from Lancashire. I hope to see him again after this lot is over. After seeing some of the boys who we picked up at that Hospital I thank God that I got out with nothing more than a sprained shoulder. One lad in particular had baled out of a Liberator in a ball of fire and he was terribly burned about the face and hands. The Englishman turned out to be a Yorkshireman called Harry Hargreaves and he came from Batley, and he is on this camp.
We finally arrived at the station, and boarded a train for Frankfurt. While we were waiting for the train to start the alert sounded and practically everyone got off the train again and ran for shelter. It was a troop train too. The train got going eventually one hour and forty minutes late.
The journey to Frankfurt was uneventful except for a little incident which occurred early in the morning of the 6th when the flak guns mounted on a truck at the rear of the train opened up at an aircraft going over, and we stopped in a cutting for an hour. We finally arrived in Frankfurt, after a journey lasting about seventeen hours.
We got to the interrogation centre at about six thirty in the evening of the 6th June, and we were again searched and all the food which we had with us even including Red Cross parcels was taken off us and we never saw it again. Which was rather a poor show I thought, as we had practically nothing to eat whilst we were there. I was then put in a little cell about ten ft long by six ft wide and left there, until next morning when I was taken out, and asked to fill in a form, which they said was a Red Cross registration form, but I thought the Red Cross wanted to know to much, so I gave them nothing but No. Rank, and name, and home address, and when I told him that I had been registered with the Red Cross while in Paris, he said it was a form for my identification. He was very persuasive, but it got him nowhere, so I was taken back to my cosy little room, and stayed there until the following afternoon, when I was taken out again for interrogation.
When I walked into the office, the officer who was to question me said “Ah, Sgt. Wilkinson,” I said “Yes Sir”, and he said “I have been waiting for you for a month, which rather shook me.
After spending four days in this place I was transferred along with a number of other chaps to a Transit Camp at Wetslau, where we had a good meal for a change. We spent eight days at this camp, where we were really well fed thanks to the Red Cross. On the ninth day thirty five of us were put in a converted cattle van, and the next three days were spent in this van, in which we travelled to the permanent prison camp at Baukan, which is eight miles from the Polish Border in Eastern Germany. We arrived at this place at about seven in the evening of the twentieth of June, and we were searched, photographed, and had our fingerprints taken for about the fourth time. We finally got into the camp, and made the camp strength up to 140. We were billeted in small huts six to a hut and we slept on palliasse on the floor. It is a good job it was summer. The Jerry rations were very good, and we were also getting a Red Cross parcel per man per week, and 50 cigarettes per week. We stayed in this temporary camp until the 13-10-44, when we moved just down the road to our winter quarters, which were good. We were put 14 in a room, and we slept on bunks. The German rations continued to be good. But the Red Cross issue was cut to ½ parcel per week, on account of transport difficulties. We spent quite a good Xmas considering the circumstances. We did not do to badly for food all the time we were at this camp. Then came the retreat from “Joe”, which I have recorded briefly elsewhere.
Nov 5 1944. Was the best day we have had for meals since I was taken prisoner. For Breakfast Porridge Sausage, Bacon and egg. Bread and butter and tea and jam.
Dinner Stew. Consisting of 2 tins cottage pie, potatoes and cabbage. Bread butter and jam.
Tea. Potatoes, meat stew, apple pudding & creamed rice, bread butter, jam and cocoa.
We also had tea and bread and butter at 11 am and at 3 pm. We *** still to have bread and butter and cheese for supper. Boy! am I full.
RATIONS FOR 22 DAYS
2 2/5 LOAVES OF BREAD
4 PKTS KRACKERS
1 PKT DOG BISCUITS
7/10 OF 2 KILO TIN MEAT.
1/18 “ 3LB GERMAN SAUSAGE.
¾ “ 1 KILO BLOCK MARG.
¼ ” 1 KILO BLOCK HONEY.
1 CUP OF OATS.
2 SPOONS FLOUR.
5 ” BARLEY.
1 ” SUGAR.
2 ” COFFEE (ERSATZ)
3 LB POTATOES
½ CUP SOUP PER DAY FOR 10 DAYS
3 CUPS COFFEE.
RATIONS AT STALAG IIIA
DAILY.
1 CUP GERMAN TEA OR COFFEE.
2/3 KLIM TINFUL OF SOUP.
1/5 LOAF OF BREAD.
1/20 BLOCK OF MARG.
1 SPOONFULL OF SUGAR.
NO RED CROSS ISSUE.
Although other nationalities on the camp receive a parcel per week.
HOW WE RAN FROM “JOE”
This is a short account of how Stalagluft 7 was evacuated, and the privations that were suffered by the 1500 PsO.W. who were forced to march for 18 days on very little food.
The first indication we had that the camp was to be evacuated, was at about 1030 AM on the morning of Tuesday, Jan 16th 1945, when everyone was told to pack, and be ready to move within an hour. This was done and everyone was ready, but we did not move that day, we were told that we would be moving either late that night or early next morning. We were still there on the Thursday night, when we were told that we would definitely be moving at 0500 hrs the next morning.
At 0500 hrs the next morning Friday the 19th Jan 1945 everyone was assembled outside on the parade ground, and the march was started, to the sound of the Russian guns in the distance. It was a bitterly cold morning with a gale blowing from the South East, it was a wind which went right through. We started from Bankau with rations which Jerry said had to last for 2 days, and he promised us faithfully that rations would be forthcoming regularly throughout the trip, and of course we believed him, as we really could not do anything else. Anyway we started marching, through 6 inches of snow and the biting wind, and the temperature at about 10o below zero.
The snow on the road was packed hard and was frozen, and it was very difficult at times to keep on ones feet. We marched that morning as far as Konstadt where we turned off the main road to Breslau into a side road, which lead to a place called Winterfeld where we arrived at about 4 o’clock in the afternoon, we had travelled 22 Km, which was pretty good going. About 150 of us were crammed into a small barn, with no light, but we did manage to get a slice of bread and spam, which was the first bite to eat that we had had since breakfast. We then settled down to sleep, but suddenly, down came about a ton of straw, and two of my mates Don Grey and Ron Henry were buried underneath it with part of our rations. We dug the two boys out, and also the biggest part of our rations, the rest we had to give up for lost, which was rather a hard knock, and for the rest of the night sleep was impossible.
Sat Jan 20th. We were called out at 0500 hrs and were on the road again at 0530 hrs. A lot of the boys had now decided to travel light, and had jettisoned a lot of their kit, I myself had done the same, keeping just my blankets, shaving kit, a couple of towels, a shirt and vest and a few bars of soap. We started marching again to the sound of the Russian guns which were not more than 15 to 20 kilometres away. The weather was a little better, the wind having dropped, for which we were thankful. We managed about 13 Kms by noon when we turned into a disused brick factory in a place called Karlsruhe. We were a bit better off for room here as we could get stretched out. We also managed to get a little food into us, and a couple of brews.
At eight o’clock that night we were called out again, and were told that we had to cross the River Oder before the bridges were blown up at dawn. The Oder was 34 Kms away, and the temperature was steadily getting lower. By the time we had covered 10 Kms a lot of the boys were in pretty bad shape, one of my own mates, Bob Pearce collapsed, and we had to leave him by the roadside, to be picked up by the crank wagon, which was following behind us. The temp was now well below zero and frost was forming on our coats and on the whiskers round our mouths. The moisture in our breath was freezing as we breathed it out. Two more of my mates Don Gray and Norm Wilmot had by this time dropped to the rear of the column. Don because he had got a slight dose of dysentery and was frequently dropping his slacks, and “Willy” Wilmot because his feet were sore and blistered. We finally crossed the River just before dawn and found that we had to go another 5 Kms to the place where we were to stay the day and following night. When we got there, we were told that we would have to go on for another 7 Kms as there was no accommodation for us. The majority of us were by this time practically out on our feet, and that added 7 Kms was a nightmare. We finally reached the place and were herded into a stable where we had to sleep on the floor, with just a little straw underneath us before going to sleep we had a much needed two slices of bread and a little meat which we had managed to save. We woke up at dusk and finished the rest of our rations, hoping that Jerry would fulfil his promise to get us more that day he did to the extent of two handful of small dog biscuits per man. We then went to sleep again to be wakened at 0200 hrs on Monday the 22nd, and told that we had to move as the Russians had crossed the Oder to the north of us and there would probably be fighting in the vicinity before long. A lot of the chaps wanted to stay there and take a chance, and a few shots were fired before they were finally persuaded to move. We eventually got on the move. (The boys who were sick only got as far as the Hospital on the other side of the town, where they were left, and we have heard nothing more of them. We presume that they are now in the hands of the Russians).
Anyway we started and staggered along for about 15 Kms to a large barn at a place called Jenkwitz, where we bedded down again. At this place we got our first ½ cup of stew from the field Kitchen, also some marg and a biscuit from Jerry. We also found some wheat and some carrots which we promptly pinched. We made a bit of porridge (of sorts) with the wheat, and some pea powder which we had saved. We also managed a few spuds which we roasted.
Tuesday 23rd. We left Jenkwitz early in the morning and marched all day covering a distance of 24 Kms, and arrived at a place called Wassen. I do not recall much about these places. But I do remember that here we got our first bread ration which was a ¼ of a loaf each, and a bit of marg.
The next day, the 24th we did not move. We had a rest, which we spent baking spuds and making brews. We also managed to get three half cupsful of soup from the field kitchens.
Thursday 25th. We left Wassen at 5 AM and had another long and hungry march to Heidersdorf which was 22 Kms away. We stayed at this place for two nights, and got a bread ration of 1/5 of a loaf per man, and three more half cupsful of soup from the field kitchens. Every one of us by this time was feeling very hungry, I know I was. Here we also filled up with spuds again, but they did not stop our hunger.
Saturday 27th. We marched all day and arrived at Pfaffendorf in the dark, and were lucky to get a bed space. About 1450 of us being crammed into two small barns.
Sunday 28th. We were off again in the early morning, feeling hungrier than ever, and passed through a large town called Sweidnitz at about 8 am. Here some more of the sick were dropped off, including Bob Pearce who had been travelling with the crank wagon for the last few days. We kept going and arrived after marching 22 Kms at Standorf. By this time I was feeling rough and unkempt and the rest of the boys were the same. They were the most disreputable crowd I have ever seen. The weather was still cold, and there was plenty of snow. Here we were issued with a packet of Knacke Brot biscuits each and some marg. The biscuits were just like Matgas. We stayed at Standorf a night and a day, and here we got the very welcome news, that there would be transport for us at the next place. We knew what Jerry’s promises were by now and said we would believe it when we saw it.
At 6 PM on Monday the 29th we marched again into the snow. After travelling 6 Kms we were issued with two more packets of Knacke Brot. This got us mad as we had been promised bread, and the biscuits were but a poor apology. This night march was the worst of the lot, a blizzard sprang up and the snow was thicker than ever, it was over a foot deep on the ground. We saw a dead Jerry lying beside the road, frozen to death. We marched until 7 am and covered 22 Kms. Our blankets were wet through and so were our clothes and boots and socks. We were the most miserable bunch imaginable. Our only consolation was, that we got a good lot of bed spaces. We stayed at this place (Peterwitz) and starved, no German ration were forthcoming. On the next day Wednesday we got a bread and marg ration 1/6th of a small loaf and a raw potato. My bread ration was eaten as soon as I received it. I managed to get 3 thin slices out of it, and I was still hungry. My belt buckle by this time was making my spine sore, it was so tight. We also got a small piece of gristle each which we wolfed with great relish. We stayed until Thursday the 1st of Feb and lived on some dirty sugar beet and what we got from the field kitchen, which was not much.
We were told that we had one more march of 18 Kms and then we would travel by train. At dawn 2nd Feb we started this last march, and through mud and slush, because of the thaw we trudged along, and reached Ober Planzwitz at noon. Here we were told we would wait until the transport was ready for us. We were lucky again as regards bed spaces finding rather comfortable ones in a corner of a barn, and we were quite warm. But the rations were very few and far between. Here we stayed until Monday. On the Sunday we got reasonable rations for once 1/3rd of a loaf and 1/3 of a tin of meat per man as well as a little barley, sugar, and flour which we promptly made up into porridge, and really enjoyed it. but we were not told how long the bread, meat and marg had to last.
At 5 am on Monday 5th Feb we started on the last 5 Kms, to our entraining point, a place called Goldberg. This brought our mileage up to 150 miles. We were herded into cattle trucks, and a new kind of hell started, there were 56 of us in a truck and we could barely sit down. We were also issued with a further 1/12th of a loaf each which was immediately eaten.
The only light in the truck was from two small vents which were cut in the sides in opposite corners. There was one thing about it because of our number we did not feel the cold. We also took off our boots so that we would not kick each other.
Two hours after we entrained we got on the move, and covered a short distance in a few hours and finally pulled into a siding at Sagan at 6 PM where we stayed all night. Night in that truck was hell nobody being able to get any sleep. At 6 am next morning we were jerked into motion again and travelled about 30 miles. We heard that we were going to a big camp south of Berlin a place called Luckenwalde. We were also told that we may arrive that evening. But it was not to be we were again pushed into a siding for the night. No sleep again. This was at a place called Kottbus. I had finished my rations the night before and was feeling very hungry. We did not move from this siding until 11 am the following morning, and did not travel far before we stopped again for another few hours. We had not travelled more than 34 or 35 miles in more than two days. We got an issue of about a mouthful of coffee per man from the field kitchen. One of the boys Ron Henry generously gave us a slice of bread out of some that he had managed to save, he also gave us a piece of biscuit each. We then settled down as best we could to a third night in our Pullman Car. That night we got a surprise the train was frequently jerked into motion, and we travelled a bit further in fits and starts, and low and behold before dawn next morning, we had arrived in a siding at Luckenwalde, our destination had been reached by Thursday morning.
We were all feeling pretty weak from hunger and loss of sleep and lack of exercise. We finally got out of the train at 11 am and after being counted and recounted began marching the 2½ Kms to Stalag III A.
The camp when we got there, we found to be an international one. But it looked good to us. We stood around for a few more hours. We were supposed to have a bath and be deloused before going into the camp but it takes a long time to get through 1500 men. So we had a wash and we moved in. We had had an issue of one cigarette per man whilst waiting and a friend gave us another one each. They were smokes we really enjoyed, as they were the first except for occasional puffs for about 14 days.
When we finally got in the camp Bob Pearce was there to welcome us. He had generously cut up his bread ration, and made us a sandwich each with corned beef, it was like manna from heaven. The corned beef, he had brought from Sagan, where he had spent about 3 days. He had also brought about 700 fags and he gave us a 20 packet of these each. I felt like a new man.
We got bed spaces in a large barrack, where we found we had to sleep on a layer of wood wool on the floor, and we made ourselves as comfortable as possible. Then up came the Army boys with a can of soup and a ration of potatoes, food never tasted better than that did. It was enjoyed by all. We also got 2/3 of a cup of soup from our own field kitchens which had been set up in the compound. I felt better than I had for a few days.
So our trek from Bankau has ended, we think. But there are rumours going round, that we will be on the move again, before long. But we hope not. We lost about 100 or so sick on the road and about 50 or 60 took a chance and hid up at different places. I don’t suppose we will ever hear what happened to them while we are in Germany anyway.
============================
I am writing this after a couple of weeks at Luckenwalde. I feel a little better, but not much. I have got a little food under my belt but I am by no means satisfied, I am still feeling rather hungry.
The first day we were here things looked rather rosy to us, and we were told there was plenty of food and fresh meat, also plenty of Red Cross parcels, but we were soon disillusioned. The ration of bread is 1/5 of a small loaf per man per day, the meat we do not see, except for a little bit now and then, in our soup, the ration of which is ½ a Klim tin full once per day, and there is talk of that being cut.
On the second day we were here the Army boys put on a show for us. It was a drama called “Deep Digs the Devil”, and it was very well acted although it was rather heavy.
The third day I started feeling a little queer, I started having pains in the stomach. The next day I started with diarrhoea and I had to go and see the MO he told me to keep off bread and spuds which I thought was pretty grim, but I tried it and left my bread alone for a day, which was all I could manage, but I left the spuds alone for three days.
On the fifth day here we got a very pleasant surprise we got an issue of 12 cigarettes per man. In the meantime I had seen my skipper Nobby Clark who had been evacuated from Sagan and was in a compound across the road from us. He managed to throw me a 20 packet of fags, but said that he had no more.
Since we have been here quite a lot of the boys have gone into dock suffering from dysentery, and one lad has died with pneumonia. And all that the rest of us do all day is lie on our beds and try to forget that we are hungry. Which is almost an impossibility. Boy when I get home will my wife be busy. She will have a full time job just cooking for me.
——————————————–
23.2.45. We have now been at Stalag III A for a fortnight and feel a little better. We had a fag issue today, of 22 cigarettes per man, and a ¼ oz of tobacco, from the unclaimed parcels, which are in a store near here. We also got a small issue of Red Cross food, which had been donated by the Serbs and Norwegians. I got a ¼ of an American D ration chocolate bar, and a 10th of a tin of Liver Pate. A German doctor also came today and examined a few of the boys. He said that we were definitely underfed, and that he would see what he could do about getting us more food, on his return to Berlin. Whether we will get it remains to be seen. (We hope that he will keep his promise.)
24.2.45. Nothing out of the ordinary happened today. We had some more German promises, which we hope will bear fruit. We were promised that a telegram would be sent to Lubeck immediately for Red Cross supplies, and also that enquiries would be made about some Red Cross parcels which were at a place a few Kilos from here. Short ration soup and spuds.
25.2.45. Sunday. We got a slight increase of bread ration today we get a ¼ of a loaf instead of the usual 1/5. But it is only for today. Again short ration soup and spuds.
26.2.45. Monday. One of my mates moves over to the officers’ compound today. We got official notification of his commission a week before we left Bankau. He is F/O Durrant. I have not had a smoke since lunch time yesterday and there are no signs of getting any. I don’t know when the next issue will be, if any. Rations short again S & P.
27.2.45. Tuesday. It is a good job the weather was mild this morning as the Jerries kept us out on parade for over an hour, and in our condition we soon feel the cold. I do not feel too good this morning, I feel a bit weak in the legs, and I almost blacked out once. I start an Automobile Engineering class today, to pass the time away. The instructor is an Army man. S/SC MacMurray, and he knows his gen. We have just got on issue of two boxes of matches per man, although we have nothing to smoke. I managed to sell a spoonful of sugar, so I got a smoke today. We hope to be on seconds for soup today, which will be a little help. The seconds did not come off, in fact there were four rations of soup short. Had three thin slices of bread and marg for tea. Just had supper two thin slices of bread and marg. I will now get into bed and try to forget my hunger, by sleeping.
28.2.45. Wednesday. Still no smokes. But got a couple of drags of one of the boys who had a bit of tobacco which he rolled into a fag. Breakfast this morning consisted of two thin slices of bread and marg which finished the ration. We managed seven thin slices (and they are thin) out of each ration. But it is only for psychological effect, we always feel hungry after we have eaten. Two of the lads were shot last night one in the back and the other in the leg. They were breaking into the Red Cross store. I don’t know how badly they were injured. One lad was also caught yesterday, stealing someone else rations. He is being dealt with by the Jerries. I hope he gets it in the neck. Our bread ration today is 1 7/8 loaves between ten men. The loaves weigh 400 grams. We also receive 1 spoonful of sugar per man per day. There are two B- fools in the barracks who sleep quite close to me who talk about nothing else but food from morning till night. I wish they would wrap up.
1.3.45. Thursday. The Luftwaffe counted us for the last time this morning. The German Army have now taken us over, and we were kept out on Parade for an hour and a quarter. It got quite cold standing outside. The bread ration has just come up and the ration today is 1/6th of an 1800 gram loaf per man. We have also just been told that we get a parcel issue either tomorrow (Friday) or Saturday. What the parcels are we do not know. But I think it will be one between four.
2-3-45. Friday. Nothing of any importance happened today. Except that we were told that the parcel issue would be made at 13.30 on Saturday.
3.3.45. We had to go on parade twice this morning because some of the lads were late. We had our normal parade at 07.15 and we paraded again at 08.30 and we had to take our blankets with us, so that they could be checked. I managed to scrounge a fag this morning on the strength of the parcel issue, so I hope it comes up. The parcels are in. We are just waiting for Jerry to punch a couple of holes in the tins before they are issued. Well, the parcels come up American No. 10 and we had salmon for tea, which was quite a change from bread & marg.
4.3.45. Sunday. Bread & Cheese for breakfast this morning and was it good. I really enjoyed it and a fag to smoke afterwards made it more enjoyable still. Dinner was not too bad. The soup was a bit thin and the spud ration rather small, but the spuds came up before the soup, so I peeled them and put them in it and made it a bit thicker. We finished off with a biscuit with cheese on it, and a smoke. Tea was good 4 slices of bread with Prem on them. Then 2 slices of toast for supper. We got a quarter of a loaf today.
5-3-45. Monday. Ran out of fags this morning. I think I will try to stop smoking, but the trouble is if I don’t smoke I feel more hungry which is not so good, on the poor rations which we get at this camp. I managed to cut four thin slices of bread for breakfast, and had cheese on two of them. We also made a cup of American coffee each. The first good drink for over a week, we also had milk and sugar in it, quite enjoyable. Dan and I bought a quarter of a loaf between us, last night, and we made a bread pudding with it. We put some prunes in and some sugar and milk. Had it for tea, and was wizard.
6.3.45. Tuesday. There is supposed to be a gash fag issue, but I don’t know when. I will be glad when it comes. There was a couple of inches of snow on the ground when we got up this morning, but it has almost gone now. There is one thing I have forgotten to mention before. We have an air raid every night, the lights go out regularly at about 7.45. We are only about 30 miles SW of Berlin.
7.3.45. Wednesday. We got very good news this morning. The M of C came in the barracks and told us that there were 25 trucks of parcels in at the station, and at least 23 of them were for us, and the parcel issue tomorrow would be one per man. 25 trucks means about 80000 parcels enough for about 6 weeks at one per man.
8.3.45. Thursday. Had a pretty good breakfast this morning two thick slices of bread with marg spread thick, one slice with cheese and jam on, and the other with jam spread on thick. We opened a six oz tin of grape jam and emptied it between four of us. It was very tasty. Well we got our parcel per man and were the lads excited, they were just like a lot of kids on Christmas day. Boy it was good to get a parcel of your own.
9.3.45. Friday. Two slices of bread for breakfast and are thick with cheese and marg, the other thick with peanut butter and marg and they went down well with a large cup of milk to follow. It has also been given out that there will possibly be another parcel issue on Monday. They say the issue may be three parcels per fortnight.
10.3.45. Saturday. Living quite well now that we have parcels they were a real Godsend and there are more on the way. In fact we have just heard that they are at the station another 18 trucks full. The parcels we have now will keep us going for a few weeks at 1 per week, our next issue is Tuesday.
11.3.45. Sunday. Don and I made ourselves a D.H. cooker this morning and it turned out a success. We were able to make a good cup of coffee.
25.3.45. Sunday. Since writing up the last entry I have been very busy what with building a fireplace and doing numerous other odd jobs. The Jerry rations have been cut during the last week. The bread ration is now 1/7 or 1/8 of a large loaf or 1/6 of a small one. We don’t know what it is going to be until we get it. The potato ration has been cut by half. The weather is grand.
21st April 1945
A lot has happened since I last made an entry in this book. In the last week or two the Jerries have done everything they could to curry favour. Today that is at the present moment the only Jerries in the camp are the prisoners of the PsO.W. and they are in the bunker, four of them, they did not get out of the camp fast enough. All we are waiting for are the tanks to roll up but we don’t know whether they will be the Yanks or the Ruskies. We hope to see the Yanks, but the Russians will do. There has been spasmodic gunfire all day, it started in the East, the South East and the South West and has now moved round to the North, so that we think we are surrounded. The R.A.F. and Army Officers are in charge of the camp, along with Officers of other nationalities. A Norwegian General is senior Officer so he is in charge of all. His name is General Otto Ruger. So our liberation day has come at last. Roll on the Allies.
22nd April 1945.
Last night orders came in that we were to stay in the barracks, as the German S.S. troops in the woods near the camp said that the crowds outside looked as if we were preparing organised resistance. The S.S. Major also said that he may decide to search the camp for arms, and for every man he found with them he would shoot a hundred.
The Russians arrived this morning. Luckenwalde was taken last night without a fight. Luckenwalde is 2½ kilometres away. We had a rather noisy night. One aircraft flew over the camp very low and started straffing the woods. The Yanks are not very far off. I hope they get a move on and get us out of this dump, and on the way home.
Russian troops have just come into the camp. Boy! what a sight. Tanks and trucks loaded with men who look like fighters.
19.1.45 ARR WINTERFELD 29 Kms.
LEFT 20.1.45 Arr KARLSRUHE 12 “
LEFT 20.1.45 “ BAUKWITZ 41 “ 21.1.45
LEFT 22.1.45. ” WANSEN 28 “
LEFT 24.1.45 ” HEIDERSDORF 30 ”
LEFT 27.1.45 ” PFAFFENDORF 24 ”
” 28.1.45 ” STANDORF 24 ”
” 29.1.45 ” PETERWITZ 22 ”
” 1.2.45 ” PRAUSNITZ 12 ” 2.2.45.
” 5.2.45 ” GOLDBURG 7 ”
LEFT GOLDBURG BY TRAIN 5.2.45 ARR LUCKENWALDE 8.2.45.
Roses Red
Violets Blue
Cabbages Green
& so are you.
Come up & see me some time at 1 Grasmere Ave, Crofton Rd., Orpington, Kent.
George King (Slim)
Good luck Ernie, and may we meet again but in more pleasant surroundings & should you ever get the chance be sure & come & stay a few days with me at Robinson Av, Coorparoo SEZ, Brisbane, Australia M.J. O’Leary (Straus) 3.121.44
REMEMBER ME
Remember me although I’m far away
Remember that I love you more each day
Remember soon we’ll be together again
In sunshine or in rain
A million years it seems we’ve been apart
But your lovely smile still lingers here
In my heart.
So dry your tears and quiet your fears
Till we meet that happy day
Remember though I’m far away.
Written and composed by Billy Hall and Ron Walker at Stalagluft 7.
Ring Mitcham 2729 and there will be a welcome for a friend of mine. Fred Curtis, 37 Victoria Rd. Mitcham Surrey.
Do it today, tomorrow is the day when idle people work and fools reform. John Ackroyd, 32, Cravendale Rd., Ravensthorpe. Dewsbury Yorkshire. Welcome any time.
The happiest moments of my life
Were spent in the arms of another man’s wife (My mother)
“Long may yere lum reek”
John Campbell, Church Gate, Torphichen, Bathgate Scotland.
There follow drawings and RAF brevets with names below. Pilot “NOBBY” F/O, Navigator “KIT” F/O, Bomb aimer ERIC, Signaller RON
G.J YOUNG J. WOODWARD
“PAN-DAN” 56, RIDPOOL RD
39 PARKLAND RD LEA HILL
WOODFORD GREEN YARDLEY
ESSEX BIRMINGHAM
R.W. BLAND J. ACKROYD
6 NORTHCOTE RD 32 CRAVENDALE ROAD
WALTHAMSTOW RAVENSTHORPE
E. 17 DEWSBURY
YORKSHIRE.
FRANK L. PREECE
245, QUEENS DRIVE
WALTON
LIVERPOOL 4
A map of the 21 days THE ROAD BACK. the retreat from “Joe”
NAME
ADDRESS
NAME
ADDRESS
N. WILMOT “BILL”
69, LEE ROAD HARPURHEY MANCHESTER 9
R. CLARK “NOBBY”
21, SALISBURY SQ, WEST AUCKLAND C. DURHAM
T.Y. MURRAY “TAM”
57 WEST MAIN ST UPHALL WEST LOTHIAN SCOTLAND
JOHN. E SHORE “JUNIOR”
“CLEVEDON” FOXHILLS TOTTON HANTS
JOHN CAMPBELL “JOCK”
CHURCHGATE TORPHICHEN NR BATHGATE WEST LOTHIAN SCOTLAND
V. KEMPKA JOHNSTON “PADJA”
C/O MISS M. SHORT 41 OAKLEY AVE EALING W.5
H.R. GIBSON “BIM BAM”
14, SHRUBBS AVE BUCKLAND LYMINGTON HANTS
F. CURTIS
37, VICTORIA RD MITCHAM SURREY MITCHAM 2729
BERT SCULLY
2 CHELWOOD AVE BROADGREEN LIVERPOOL 16
RAY LORD
14 KENSINGTON ST LEICESTER
K.B. SHILLITO
31 SCHOOL RD ORFORD WARRINGTON
H.P. CHRISTENSEN “CHRIS”
23 KINSEY ST SILVERDALE STOKE-ON-TRENT STAFFS
T.V. LEWIS “TAFFY”
LLYSGWYLIM LLANDEBIS CARMARTHENSHIRE S. WALES
JOHN E. VIDLER “TOMMY”
17 TRANBY AVE HESSLE NR HULL YORKS TEL HESSLE 49429
D.L. DAY “FRENCHIE”
WOODLANDS HSE MARKET ST CHELTENHAM
T.H. CLORAN
“NEVRIN” STAPLE HALL RD BLETCHLEY BUCKS
F. ILLINGWORTH
77 HARMAN RD ENFIELD MIDDX
BILL CLIFF
39, CONRAN ST HARPURHEY MANCHESTER
J. WOODWARD
56 RIDPOOL RD LEA HALL YARDLEY BIRMINGHAM
A.C. FROST
119 COLDHARBOUR LANE HAYES MIDDX
BILL HAYMAN
NEW ZEALAND
R.W. McGRAW “SPIKE”
894 GROVE ST GLENCOE ILLINOIS U.S.A.
J.M.V. THOMSON
LANSDOWN CRES GLASGOW W
R.H. PARRY-JONES
C/O THE CITY BATHS CHESTER CHESHIRE or 12, RUE DESAIX MUSTAPHA PACHA ALEXANDRIA EGYPT
J. MORGAN “TAFFY”
“RHEOLAN ARMS” ABERCRAVE SWANSEA VALLEY S. WALES
R.W. BLAND
6 NORTHCOTE RD WALTHAMSTOW E. 17
R.R. HEATH
65, SEYMOUR RD HORNSEY LONDON N. 8.
L.J. HALL
“MILWARDS” 34, UNION ST ALDERSHOT HANTS
H.C. QUINN
66 FLORENCE ST OTTOWA CANADA
R.H. PEARCE
84, ASPINAL RD LONDON S.E. 4
G. JONAS
52, CRAVEN WALK LONDON N. 16
B.J. ALLEN
25, BLAKENEY RD SHEFFIELD 10 YORKS
S DURRANT “DICKY”
41 PRESTON RD BRIGHTON 7 SURREY
W.L. COUSINS “YORKY”
4, CARRINGTON AVE POPPLETON RD YORK
R.B. McLEAN “MAC”
20, AUSTRALIA AVE GOULBURN N.S.W. AUSTRALIA
BEN TUREMAN
MRS JEAN ALLEN C/O MR. H. BURGESS 30 CROOKLANDS LANE, PENWORTH PRESTON, LANCS
K. BYRNE “PADDY”
67, IVEAGH GARDENS CRUMLIN, DUBLIN IRELAND
EDWARD HILL
33 BARWICK ST. QUEENS ROAD MILES PLATTING MANCHESTER 9
RON HENRY
2121 ROBINSON ST REGINA SASKATEWAN CANADA
ALBERT AUSTIN “TINY” (Cpl)
27 RANDOLF ST CAMDEN TOWN LONDON N.W. 1
DON GRAY
96, BETCHWORTH RD SEVEN KINGS ESSEX
DAVE BANNING
66 5TH AVENUE TIMMINS ONTARIO CANADA
NORM GRIFFITHS
47, GRAND AVE LONDON N. 10
G.J. KING “SLIM”
1 GRASMERE AVE CROFTON RD ORPINGTON KENT
FRANK TAIT
2, CROWLE ST HYDE PARK TOWNSVILLE QUEENSLAND AUSTRALIA
J. WILLIAMS
15, TRAWDEN AVE OFF BENNETS LANE BOLTON
ALLAN JOHNSTONE “JOHNNY”
462, BROCK ST. MARTON BLACKPOOL
J. WARREN
42, STANLEY RD MANOR PARK LONDON E. 12
TED HOLT
49, SOUTHBOURNE RD MARTON BLACKPOOL
MRS. THOMPSON
47 LONGTON RD NR. BLACKLEY MANCHESTER 9
A BELVERSTONE “ALGY”
40 SUNNYSIDE RD LEYTON E 10 LONDON
KEMKKA
23 LYME GROVE DROYLSDEN M/C CEMETRY RD
R. YEARSLEY
21, ST GEORGES AVE KILN LANE ST HELENS
K. PENDRAY
31, BATH RD THATCHAM BUCKS
R. HARTGROVES
9 PRIMROSE AVE BARLEY LANE GOODMAYES ESSEX
May 2nd 1945.
We have now been liberated over a week, and we are still stagnating in Stalag III A and it looks as if we will be here for a long time yet. The Russians and the Yanks have linked up in a number of places, quite close to us but no effort is being made to get us home. Yet according to the B.B.C. all P.O.W. are supposed to have priority. I suppose that we will be here long after the war is over, and sometime in the dim distant future someone will all of a sudden remember the men at Stalag III A.
The Russians are looking after us very well. They are commandeering all the food they can find, and bringing it into the camp. But I and the rest of the chaps would prefer to be on the way home. A lot of fellows have left to try to make their own way to the American lines.
REPORT OF A FORCED MARCH MADE BY OCCUPANTS OF STALAG LUFT 7 GERMANY.
========================
On January 17th, 1945, at approximately 11 am we received notice of one hour in which to pack our kit and be ready to leave the camp by marching. At the same time we were informed by Ober Feldwebel Frank that for every one man who fell out of the column on the march, five men would be shot. This order was never given in writing.
The start was postponed until 3.30 am on Jan 19th. During the interval, 68 sick men were evacuated to the civilian Slag at Kreuzberg and, we believe, were later taken to Stalag 344 at Lamsdorf.
Each man was issued with two and a half days marching rations before leaving. When the march began on Jan 19th no transport was provided for any sick who might have fallen out on the march and the only medical equipment carried was that carried by the M.O. and three sanitators on their backs.
DETAILS OF MARCH.
Jan 19th. Left Bankau and marched to Winterfeldt, a distance of 28 Kms. This was done under extremely trying weather conditions and severe cold. The only accommodation at Winterfeldt was small barns.
Jan 20th. Marched from Winterfeldt to Karlsruhe arriving at 10 am. We set off at 5 am and marched a distance of 12 Kms. At Karlsruhe we were housed in an abandoned brick factory. Here for the first time we were provided with 2 field kitchens with which to cook for 1,550 men. Each field kitchen was actually capable of cooking sufficient food for 200 men. The M.O. was also provided with a horse and cart for transport of the sick. The cart was big enough to hold 6 sitting cases. Coffee was provided and after a rest period of 11 hours we were again ordered to move. The Camp Leader and the M.O. protested against further marching until the men were adequately rested and fed. We were told by the German Abwehr Officer that it was an order and must be complied with. The same night we left Karlsruhe and marched to Schonfeld, arriving at 9 am on Jan 21st, covering a distance of 42 Kms. The conditions during the night were extreme, the temperature being 13 degrees Centigrade. The M.O. wagon was filled after the first five kms and from then onwards, men were being picked up on the road sides in a collapsed and frozen state and it was only by sheer will power that they were able to finish the march. After crossing the River Oder, a distance of 34 kms from Karlsruhe we were told that we would be accommodated and that no move would be made for 2 days.
Jan 21st. At Schonfeld we were accommodated in the cow sheds and barns of a farm, a room was provided at Lassen for the sick. Rations issued were about 100 gms of biscuits per man and half a cup of coffee.
Jan 22nd. At 3 am orders were given by the Germans to prepare to march off at once. It was dark and there was some delay in getting the men out from their sleeping quarters because they could not find their baggage. The guards were thereupon marched into the quarters and discharged their firearms. The column was marching again by 5 am. 23 men, it was ascertained at this stage, were lost and their whereabouts are unknown. They may have been left behind asleep or they may have escaped. Also 31 men were evacuated (we believe) to Lansdorf but nothing further has been heard of them. We marched to Jenkwitz, a distance of 24 Kms and we were housed at a farm in barns. Here we were issued with a total of 114 kgms of fat, 46 tins of meat, barley, peas. Soup was issued, the ration being about a quarter of a litre per man. No bread was issued.
Jan 23rd. Left Jenkwitz at 8 am and marched 20 Kms to Wansen.
Jan 24th. We were rested a day at Wansen sleeping in barns. The revier was in a cow shed. 31 sick were evacuated to Sagan. 400 loaves of bread were issued.
Jan 25th. Left Wansen at 4 am for Heidersdorf and covered 30 Kms.
Jan 26th. Spent the day at Heidersdorf. Issued with 600 loaves of bread, to last for 2 days.
Jan 27th. Left Heidersdorf and marched 19 kms to Pfaffendorf, where we arrived at night.
Jan 28th. Left Pfaffendorf for Standorpat 5 am and marched a distance of 21 Kms. Issued with 24 cartons of knackebrot, 150 Kgms oats, 45 kgms margarine and 50 kgms of sugar. 22 sick were evacuated at Schweidnity and eventually arrived at Sagan.
Jan 29th. Left Standorf at 6 pm and marched to Peterwitz a distance of 22 Kms, where we arrived at 4 am the following day. This march was carried out in darkness under extreme conditions, with a blizzard blowing the whole time. The men arrived at Peterwitz in an extremely exhausted condition. Before leaving Standorf we were promised that we would have to march no further as transport would be supplied from Peterwitz. 104 Kgms of meat were issued, 1 sack of salt, 25 kgs of coffee, and 100 kgs of Barley.
Jan 30th. At Peterwitz, 30 men from Stalag 344, who had been left without guards joined our column. 296 loaves of bread were issued, 50 kgs oats and 35.5 kgs of margarine.
Jan 31st. We spent this day at Peterwitz. We were told we would have to march to Goldberg before we got transport. 300 kgs of oats were issued, 50 kgs of coffee and 40 kgs of margarine.
Feb 1st. Marched from Peterwitz to Planzwitz, a distance of 12 Kms. We remained at Planzwitz from Feb 1st – 5th. On Feb 1st we were issued with 680 loaves of bread, and 37.5 kgs of margarine. On Feb 3rd we were issued with 112.5 Kgs of margarine, 250 loaves, 100 kgs sugar, 200 kgs of flour and 150 kgs of barley. On Feb 4th the issue was 250 loaves.
At night on Feb 4th, the Commandant (Oberst Leutenant Behr) visited the farm and read out an order from O.K.W. to the effect that 5 men were to be released and would be liberated at the first opportunity. The of this we were unable to understand.
Feb 5th. Before leaving, we were issued with 500 loaves of bread, 95 kgs of margarine and 530 tins of meat. We were marched from Planzwitz to Goldberg, a distance of 8 Kms. On arrival at Goldberg, we were put into cattle trucks, an average of 55 men to each truck. By this time there were numerous cases of dysentery and facilities for men to attend to personal hygiene were inadequate. The majority had no water on the train journey for 2 days. When men were allowed out of the trucks to relieve themselves, numerous of the guards ordered them back inside again and we had to be continually getting permission for the men to be allowed out. We were on the train from the morning of Feb 5th until the morning of Feb 8th. Before commencing this journey, we were issued with sufficient rations for 2 days.
The total distance marched was 240 Kms.
SUMMARY
As a result of the march and the deplorable conditions, the morale of the men is extremely low. They are suffering from an extreme degree of malnutrition and at present, an outbreak of dysentery. There are numerous cases of frostbite and other minor ailments. They are quite unfit for any further moving. Food and better conditions are urgently required. We left Bankau with no Red X supplies and throughout the march, all rations were short issued. The most outstanding being bread, which amounts to 2,924 loaves.
D.G. Hawatson, Capt R.A.M.C.
Camp Medical Officer
Peter A. Thompson, P.O. R.A.F.
Camp Leader.
Feb 15th 1945.
—————————
CONTENTS OF RED X PARCELS
ENGLISH CANADIAN
1 TIN SALMON OR PILCHARDS 1 LB TIN BUTTER
1 TIN MEAT ROLL OR SAUSAGES ¼ LB CHEESE
1 “ CORNED BEEF ½ LB COFFEE 2 OZ TEA
1 ” MEAT & VEG SUGAR
1 ” MIXED VEG OR PEAS 1 LB BOX RAISONS
1 ” MARG OR BUTTER 1 TIN SALMON
1 ” OATS 1 TIN CORNER BEEF
1 ” NESTLES MILKK 1 TIN SPAM
1 ” EGG POWDER 1 TIN KLIM (DRIED MILK)
1 ” CHEESE 1 TIN BISCUITS
1 ” JAM OF MARMALADE OR SYRUP 1 TIN JAM OR MARMALADE
1 PKT SUGAR ½ LB CHOCOLATE
1 TIN OF PKT FRUIT PUDDING OR DRIED FRUIT 1 TIN SALT & PEPPER (MIXED)
1 PKT PANCAKE MIXTURE SOAP.
1 TIN BISCUITS
¼ LB CHOCOLATE
1 TIN MUSTARD OR PEPPER. SALT
1 TIN ¼ LB COCOA 2 OZ TEA
T TABLET SOAP (TOILET)
AMERICAN NO 10.
1 TIN SPAM
1 « CORNED BEEF OR M&V
1 « KLIM
1 LB TIN MARGARINE
1 TIN LIVER PATE 6 OZ PEANUT BUTTER
1 TIN JAM OR ORANGE JUICE 6 OZ
1 TIN SALMON 7¾ OZ OR 2 TINS SARDINES
1 TIN COFFEE 2 OZ
1 PKT RAISONS OR PRUNES 1 LB
1 PKT CHEESE ½ LB
1 PKT SUGAR. I PKT ASCORBIC ACID TABLETS.
1 PKT BISCUITS OR CEREAL
2 BARS CHOCOLATE (D RATION)
100 CIGARETTES
2 TABLETS SOAP
NO 9 PARCELS HAVE 1 BAR CHOCOLATE AND 40 CIGARETTES LESS.
REMEMBER ME
Remember me although I’m far away
Remember that I love you more each day
Remember soon we’ll be together again
In sunshine or in rain
A million years it seems we’ve been apart
But your lovely smile still lingers here
In my heart.
So dry your tears and quiet your fears
Till we meet that happy day
Remember though I’m far away.
Written and composed by Billy Hall and Ron Walker at Stalagluft 7.
Some of the meals I will have when I get home.
Breakfast
Big bowl of porridge. Plenty of milk and sugar. Eggs, bacon, flapjacks with syrup, toast and butter, marmalade or dripping. Coffee with milk and sugar.
Breakfast
Porridge with milk & sugar. Eggs & ham. Bread & butter. Buttered marmalade or dripping toast. Coffee with milk & sugar.
Dinner
Soup, roast beef, roast and boiled potatoes, peas or cabbage or sprouts. H.P. sauce, thick brown gravy. Sweet, rice or fruit pudding. Biscuit and cheese. Coffee or tea.
Dinner
Soup. Fish. Steak pie & chips or steak or chops & chips & peas with gravy. Apple pudding & white sauce. Fruit cake. Biscuits & cheese Tea or coffee.
Tea
Cold mutton or beef. Salad, plenty of Hovis bread and butter. Fruit and cream. Fruit cake. Fruit tart. Tea.
Tea
Sausage & mash or cottage pie & gravy or a large meat & potato pie green salad. Bread & butter (Hovis) apricots & cream. Fruit cake. Apple pie. Tea.
Supper
Fish and chips. Plenty of bread and butter. Cocoa, Ovaltine or Horlicks. Cheese and raw onion.
Supper
Potato pie. Bread & butter, cheese & biscuits. Cake or apple pie. Ovaltine, Horlicks or cocoa.
10 A.M.
Biscuits or cake. Tea or coffee
10 A.M.
Biscuits & cheese. Fruit or cream cake. Tea.
3 P.M.
Bread, butter, jam. Fruit cake or fancy cakes or malt bread with fruit in. Cake. Coffee.
3 P.M.
Fruit malt bread or Hovis. Cakes or apple pie. Coffee made with milk.
BY BRIGADIER-GENERAL TREVOR TERNAN, C.M.G., D.S.O.,
COMMANDING 123rd (TYNESIDE SCOTTISH) BRIGADE.
HEADQUARTERS, ALNWICK,
1st MAY, 1915.
287 – District Court-Martial –
The District Court Martial directed to assemble in Brigade Order No. 245 of 17th April, 1915, of which Lieutenant-Colonel Dunbar Stuart, 20th Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers (1st Tyneside Scottish) was President, is hereby dissolved.
288 – District Court-Martial –
The District Court Martial directed to assemble in Brigade Order No. 246, of 17th April, 1915, of which Major P.B. Norris, 22nd Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers (3rd Tyneside Scottish) was President, is hereby dissolved.
289 – District Court-Martial –
The District Court Martial directed to assemble in Brigade Order No. 255 of 21st April, 1915, of which Major E.K. Purnell, 23rd Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers (3rd Tyneside Scottish) was President, is hereby dissolved.
290 – District Court-Martial –
The details of Officers as mentioned below will assemble at the Orderly Room, 20th (S) Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers (1st Tyneside Scottish), Alnwick, on the 3rd May, 1915, at 10 a.m., for the purpose of trying by District Court-Martial the accused persons named in the margin:-
PRESIDENT
Major P.B. Norris, 22nd (S) Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers, (3rd Tyneside Scottish).
MEMBERS
A Captain, 20th (S) Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers (1st Tyneside Scottish.)
A Captain, 21st (S) Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers 2nd Tyneside Scottish.)
The accused will be warned, and all witnesses duly required to attend.
The proceedings will be forwarded to the G.O.C., 123rd (Tyneside Scottish) Brigade, “Alnbank” Alnwick.
The Officers Commanding 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th Battalions, Tyneside Scottish, will each detail three Officers to attend for instructional purposes.
In the margin. No. 1078, Pte. Henry Lowden, 20th (S.) Btn, Northd. Fusiliers (1st Tyneside Scottish) and No. 1307, Pte. A.E. Havelock, 21st (S) Btn., Northd. Fusiliers (2nd Tyneside Scottish).
291 – Routine –
Retreat will be sounded from this date at 7-15 p.m.
292 – Signalling Class –
With reference to Brigade Orders 222 and 224, dated April 9th, the Officers and Non-Commissioned Officers therein mentioned will rejoin their own Units from this date, but will attend the Class as previously.
293 – Extracts from Northern Command Orders –
BICYCLES –
With reference to Command Order Number 320, dated 4th March, 1915, in which it is stated that only service pattern bicycles are suitable for service overseas, and authorising Units to be equipped with that machine when ordered to proceed there, it is directed that in the case of the New Armies, effect should be given to this instruction as soon as possible after the receipt of instructions to demand mobilisation equipments.
Authority, War Office letter 57/Aldershot/8858 (A.3), dated 26th April, 1915.
C.R.N.C. 38021/15/6 (O.S.). Northern Command Order No.681.
DISCHARGES –
The wording to be used in the case of men discharged under paragraph 392 (iii). (c), and paragraph 392 (iii.), (c.c.), King’s Regulations, is “Not likely to become an efficient soldier (on Medical grounds).”
In the case of men discharged under paragraph 392 (iii.), (c), the words “on Medical grounds” will only be added when applicable.
Authority, War Office letter No. A.G. 2 B./3184, dated 21st April, 1915.
C.R.N.C. 53762 (A.). Northern Command Order No.683.
TRANSPORT OFFICERS – EXTRA DUTY PAY –
For the period of the War, Extra Duty Pay at 1/- (one shilling) a day may be issued to Officers acting as regimental transport officers in regiments of Cavalry and Infantry of the Regular or Territorial Forces when such Units are in possession of at least fifty per cent. Of the animals laid down in their War Establishments for transport, the full rate of 2/- (two shillings), under Article 277, Pay Warrant, being issuable only when the complete equipment of animals and vehicles has been supplied.
In the case of Reserve Battalions for which no fixed transport establishment is laid down, the 1/- or 2/- may be given according as the number of transport animals in charge corresponds to the number for which 1/- or 2/- is given for a Regular Battalion.
War Office letter 48/Infantry/1141 F.2, dated 23rd April, 1915.
C.R.N.C. 55218 (C.P.). Northern Command Order No.684.
ADJUTANTS – APPOINTMENT OF MAJORS –
If, during the continuance of the War, it should be found necessary to utilize the services of Majors as Adjutants, the rates of pay provided in the Pay Warrant in addition to regimental pay of their rank will be issuable. In those arms for which the Pay Warrant provides different rates for Captains and Lieutenants who are appointed Adjutants payment to a Major holding the appointment should be made at the rate for a Captain.
War Office letter, 48/Artillery/5927 (F.2), dated 24th April, 1915.
C.R.N.C. 55539 (C.P.). Northern Command Order No.687.
SOLDIERS SENTENCED TO DETENTION –
The committal to police cells, or to a civil prison, of a soldier who has been awarded Detention is contrary to Section 63 (1) of the Army Act, and must not be resorted to except where a part of such civil prison has been set aside for use as a Detention Barrack.
Authority, War Office letter, No. 105/General No./1998 (A.G. 3), dated 25th April, 1915.
C.R.N.C. 55532 (A.). Northern Command Order No.691.
OFFICERS ON CONSOLIDATED PAY IN TEMPORARY HUTMENTS –
It has been decided that temporary Hutments should not be regarded as public quarters within the meaning of paragraph 3 of Army Order No. 337 of 1914.
Authority, War Office Letter General Number 16/3263 (J.M.G. 1), dated 26/4/15.
C.R.N.C. No. 55659 (Q.). Northern Command Order No.693.
294 – Northern Command Orders – Attention Called to –
The attention of Officers Commanding Units is called to Northern Command Orders 677, 678, 680,688 of April 29th and 694 and the Notice of April 30th, 1915.
1st May 1915. “A” and “C” Companies, under the command of Captain J.E.C. Graham, proceeded to Kirkee as the Detachment for providing the British guards at the Arsenal and Ammunition Factory, in relief of the 2/4th Wiltshire Regiment. Musketry was commenced by “B” and “D” Companies on the Wanowrie range. Owing to the very large number of recruits in the Battalion, the majority of the men had to fire both Table A and Table B, which necessitated firing on the range until the end of May 1916.
May 1945
(Defeated Germany)
When Fuhrer Adolf Hitler committed suicide on the 30th April 1945, Grand Admiral Karl Donitz succeeded him as Reichpasident and Joseph Goebbels as Reich Chancellor.
On the 1st May 1945, German General Hans Krebs was a high-ranking officer in the Nazi Army. He negotiated the unconditional surrender of the city of Berlin to the Red Army. On the same day newly appointed Goebbels informed Krebs that he did not have that authority,
On the 1st May 1945, knowing Germany had lost the war, and as committed Nazis, Goebbels and his wife Magda arranged for their six young children to receive a morphine injection followed by cyanide tablets killing all six. The two parents committed suicide. He shot himself in the head and she bit into a cyanite pill.
On the 2nd May 1945, the Battle of Berlin ended following the Red Army’s capture of the Reichstag Building on which the Soviet flag was raised.
On the same day, knowing the war was lost, three of Hitler’s inner cabinetcommitted suicide. Krebs and Martin Bormann, who had been Hitler’s personal secretary had bitten into a cyanide pill. General Wilhelm Burgsdorf had been Hitler’s chief adjutant and shot himself in the head.
Following the death of Hitler, his successor Donitz became the new Head of State and on the 4th May 1945 he ordered all U-boats to cease operations.
Allied British Field Marshall Sir Bernard Mongomery had established his headquarters at Luneburg south of Hamburg, by the 4th May 1945. Montgomery, on the 5th May 1945, accepted the unconditional surrender of German troops in the Netherlands, Denmark, northwest Germany and Norway.
—
Two separate concentration camps were liberated on the 4th/5th May 1945. Neuengamme concentration camp, south-east of Hamburg on the 4th May 1945. More than 85 satellite camps made up the Neuengamme complex. During the last few weeks of April 1945, the SS Nazi guards began to evacuate the prisoners and themselves to other destinations by any means available. When the first British soldiers arrived on the 4th May 1945, they found a barren and clear site. They then reported the site was “empty”.
Further south, located through Upper Austria and southern Germany, was Mauthausen and over 100 satellite concentration camps. Of all the Nazi concentration camps, Mauthausen was one of the harshest and most severe. The Nazis had been performing horrific scientific experiments on the prisoners. By the 3rd May 1945 the SS and guards were preparing for evacuation. When on the 5th May1945 the U.S. Army liberated Mauthausen most of the SS and guards had fled. Exact numbers of prisoners are unknown as most of the records were destroyed by the Nazis but on the day of liberation approximately 85,000 were still alive. Mauthausen was one of the first massive concentration camps in Nazi Germany and the last to be liberated by the Allies.
—
In the Netherlands, on the 5th May 1945, German troops had unconditionally surrendered to Allies. There remained however, to the western part of the country, some occupying German troops. On the 7th May 1945, whilst waiting for the Canadians to arrive to disarm the Germans, thousands of citizens gathered on the Dam in central Amsterdam to celebrate the end of the war and welcome the Allied soldiers. Residing in the Groote Club (Great Club) building on the corner of the Dam and Kalverstraat were German soldiers. Two German soldiers were arrested by local forces but one refused to surrender his weapons. The arrested soldier fired a shot and German soldiers appeared in the windows, on the balcony and roof of the Groote Club and started firing machine guns into the celebrating crowds. On the Dam square large-scale panic broke out but most of the crowd were able to disperse safely. Lasting about two hours after the initial shots, local resistance forces and the Germans began to exchange fire. The commander of the local forces persuaded a German officer to join him in entering the Groote Club and order the German soldiers to cease fire. Until the Canadian troops arrived on the 9th May 1945, the Germans remained at the Groote Club. When the Canadian’s liberated Amsterdam the Germans were taken into custody. No official list of casualties exist because the shooting was never investigated. Local newspapers estimated there were 25/30 civilian fatalities and 100/120 wounded.
Austria at the outbreak of war in 1939 was generally recognised as part of Germany. With Germany/Austria facing total defeat, the Allies liberated Austria on the 27th April 1945. The Austrian democratic constitution was reinstated which paved the way for a new federal government later in the year. On the 7th May 1945, two rogue German planes strafed the liberating U.S. 8th Division and the resulting return fire were the last shots fired by U.S. troops in Europe.
In London, on the nightshift of the 7th May 1945, Muriel Hall was on duty as a Reuter’s war operative. Muriel had been recruited in mid-1944 by Reuters from the Royal Signals because of her “teleprinting” skills. After the unconditional surrender by Germany, an immediate embargo was imposed but someone in America broke the embargo that the war in Europe was over. It was imperative for Reuter’s that an announcement was forwarded to all relevant parties. Muriel was passed the message to forward the announcement to all concerned. The announcement stated the following: “19.41pm. London Monday tomorrow will be VE day Europe full stop. Churchill ET King will broadcast – Reuter”. After forwarding the message, she continued to work through the night until approximately 8.00 am. She left the office and walked along Fleet Street toward Trafalgar Square along with everybody else. She noticed that people were mostly silent on that journey. Gradually, upon hearing that Churchill stated the King would be making a speech at 9.00 pm., the people began dancing and singing suspecting the war was over. As she already knew the war was over, Muriel went home.
Taking place at Allied head-quarters at Reims in northeast France, the Alles were aware of German readiness to negotiate for peace. Back in Berlin, Donitz was fully aware the European war was lost and he began negotiations with the Alles for an unconditional surrender on the 7th May 1945. The documents were duly signed on the 8th May 1945, with signatures by representatives for Germany, Britain, America and France in attendance. The Soviet Union signed but later disputed the date.
8th May ’45 – VICTORY IN EUROPE DAY, (VE-Day)
Officially, VE-Day began at one minute after midnight following Reuter’s announcement. The civil population started to realise the war in Europe had been won as the news began to filter through. The scenes of the celebrations in London on VE -Day have gone down in history. Thousands of people were massed in Trafalgar Square, The Mall and finally at Buckingham Palace. The rejoicing crowds began to chant “We want the King. We want the King”. King George VI and Queen Elizabeth accompanied by their daughters and Prime Minister Churchill appeared on the balcony before the cheering crowds. Going from the palace to the Ministry of Health in Whitehall, Churchill gave his famous “V for Victory” sign when he addressed another large crowd at 3.00pm. His message was: “God bless you all. This is your victory. In our long history, we have never seen a greater day thanthis. Everyone, man or woman, have done their best”. He reminded the crowds, that although the War in Europe was won, there were still the Japanese to defeat in the Pacific. During the course of the day VE-Day the 8th May 1945 was declared a public holiday. At 9.00pm the King made his radio broadcast to the nation. The beginning of the broadcast began with the words: “As your King I thank,with a full heart, those who bore arms so valiantly on land or sea or in the air and all civilians whoshouldering their many burdens have carried them unflinchingly without complaint”. King George VI was a shy man and since childhood had struggled with a stammer. Over the course of the war he demonstrated a strength of character and became a symbol of courage and inspiration to the nation. The people were inspired by the King and had readily taken him into their hearts. Later in the day permission had been granted to the two princesses, Elizabeth and Margaret, to wander incognito among the crowds to take part in the celebrations. They were discreetly accompanied by members of security forces. After the Reuter’s broadcast the previous evening on the BBC, similar celebrations took place the length and breadth of Britain. In many areas huge bonfires had been lit, with numerous effigies of Hitler burned in the fires. Also, In Paris, huge celebrations along The Champs-Elysees had the rejoicing citizens partying, singing and dancing.
In the United States President Truman dedicated the victory to Franklin Roosevelt, who had died on the 12th April 1945. Flags remained at half- mast for the 30-day mourning period. New York’s Times Square was one of many American cities to celebrate the victory. On their 15.00 hrs radio broadcasts on the 8th May 1945, both Truman and Churchill had informed the respective citizens that the “victory was only half won”.
The Soviet Union signed Germany’s unconditional surrender on the 7th May 1945. The terms of the surrender stated that the ceasefire would commence at 23.01 on the 8th May1945, Central European Time (CET). Due to the time zone difference between Moscow and the CET the Soviet Union, from Moscow, announced the war in Europe ended on the 9th May 1945allies , Moscow Time.
The British Channel Islands were invaded and occupied by Nazi Germany on the 30th June 1940 and had imposed harsh conditions on the citizens. When the Germans signed the unconditional surrender on the 8th May 1945, the islanders were informed by the German authorities the war was over. Two separate Royal Navy destroyers arrived off the coast of Guernsey at approximately 14.00 hrs on the 8th May 1944. They were met by a German minesweeper and a junior officer came on board HMS Bulldog, but only to negotiate surrender terms. The officer was handed details of the surrender terms and he departed. Both British ships also departed as the general ceasefire did not apply until midnight. The two ships returned to the same position off Guernsey after receiving a message from the Germans they agreed to a meeting at midnight on the 8th/9th May 1945. The German second-in-command, on board a minesweeper, met with HMS Bulldog and adjourned to the wardroom. He agreed to the unconditional surrender terms when asked. The Guernsey documents were signed on HMS Bulldog. The two ships slowly sailed round the coast and anchored off St. Peter Port. Leaving Bulldog behind, a British officer transferred to HMS Beagle and sailed on to Jersey arriving at 10.00 hrs. Eventually, the Jersey surrender documents were signed at 14.00 hrs on board HMS Beagle. Both Royal Navy ships had copies of the unconditional surrender documents in case the German officer signing the documents did not have the authority to sign for both islands. British liberating forces landed on Jersey and Guernsey shortly after. Similar British liberations were taking place throughout the remainder of the Channel Islands.
German Troops surrendered to the Red Army on two separate occasions. The first was on the 9th May 1945 on the Danish island of Bornholm. The second was on the 11th May 1945 in Czechoslovakia.
Heinrich Himmler was a leading, and one of the most powerful, members of the German Nazi Party. After Hitler’s birthday “celebrations”, Himmler left Berlin and attempted to negotiate a peace agreement with the Allies. Hitler immediately ordered for Himmler to be arrested. Himmler fled to escape justice by the Allies. He attempted to go into hiding after his former comrades rejected him and was also hunted by the Allies. Himmler had not arranged any escape plans other than the fact he carried a forged paybook of a German sergeant. Without a destination in mind, Himmler and two aides travelled south until on the 21st May 1945 they were stopped at a checkpoint in Bremervorde. By the time they were stopped Himmler was disguised as the German sergeant. On the 23rd May 1945, he was taken to the British Civilian Interrogation Centre near Luneburg. British military intelligence had noticed that Himmer’s identity papers had been seen before by fleeing members of the S.S. Himmler was searched after admitting who he was, whilst being routinely interrogated. He was medically examined by a doctor who failed to open Himmler’s mouth. Himmler bit into a hidden cyanide pill and died within fifteen minutes. Shortly after Himmler’s body was buried in an unmarked grave whose location remains unknown.
On the 2nd May 1945, Donitz, as Head of State, with Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk as Leading Minister, formed a government referred to as the “Flensburg Government”. The government relocated to Flensburg in northern Germany near the Danish border, hence the reference to the “Flensburg Government”. Including Donitz there were eleven cabinet members which included one prominent Nazi leader in Albert Speer. On the 23rd May 1945 the government was dissolved when British troops occupied and arrested the ministers as POWs. To ensure no members of the government escaped by sea, two Royal Navy destroyers were deployed in the Flensburg Fjord.
(Pacific – British and Commonwealth)
During the Burma Campaign, British and Anglo-Indian forces made a successful airborne and amphibious attack on the Rangoon River, and minesweepers cleared the river of mines. The Indian 26th Division began the amphibious attack on both banks of the river on the 2nd May 1945. Expecting stiff resistance they were surprised to find the Japanese had abandoned Rangoon several days earlier, and the liberation of Rangoon was achieved.
In New Guinea, Australian troops began the invasion in November 1944. The defending Japanese had been driven from the coastline inland into the jungle region. On the 11th May 1945, Wewak airfield had been surrounded and captured. It was during this attack that Private Edward Kenna was awarded the Victoria Cross for attacking several Japanese bunkers. By the 15th May 1945 the Australians began a “mopping-up” operation for the Aitape-Wewak campaign. The battle ended in August 1945 when offensive operations were halted as the Japanese government had begun discussions for a possible surrender.
Again, during the final days of the Burma Campaign, five destroyers of the British Royal Navy engaged overnight, in what was left of the Imperial Japanese Navy, on the 15th/16th May 1945. The resulting engagement culminated into the Battle of Malacca Strait. The Royal Navy was alerted, by the enemy’s decrypted Japanese naval signal, that the Japanese heavy cruiser Haguro, escorted by destroyer Kamikaze, was heading for the Strait. In the early hours of the 16th May 1945, positioning into a crescent the five Royal Navy destroyers awaited the arrival of the Japanese ships. The resulting Battle of Malacca Straits was that Haguro was sunk and Kamikaze damaged with 927 Japanese sailors killed. Royal Navy casualties were, two killed, three wounded and one destroyer damaged.
(Pacific – America)
The Battle of Okinawa was the largest, bloodiest and last major battle in the Pacific war. When the joint U.S. and Allied troops launched the amphibious landings on the 1st. April 1945 they were mostly unopposed. The Japanese refused to fight on the beaches and to force a battle of attrition they withdrew into caves in the rocky hills. Both sides sustained huge casualties. In the waters around Okinawa the Japanese had a major success when, on the 5th May 1945, they launched the largest kamikaze attack against the Allied ships. Twenty-six Allied ships were sunk and a further 168 severely damaged when Japanese planes, flown by kamikaze pilots, deliberately flew into the ships. During the Battle of Okinawa approximately 40% of the Allied casualties were sailors lost in these attacks.
Nagoya is a city near the southern coast of Japan. Located west of Tokyo and east of Hiroshima, Nagoya’s Mitsubishi factory manufactured Japanese aircraft. With the exception of Tokyo, Nagoya was the most heavily bombed city. On the 14th and 16th May 1945 large scale precision air raids and firebombing attacked the Mitsubishi factory and surrounding war industries. Also hit and burned down was the national treasure, NagoyaCastle. From mid-December 1944 to the end of July 1945 there were 21 separate attacks, dropping over 400,000 tons of bombs, on Nagoya. Nearly half a million citizens were left homeless as a consequence.
(Other Theatres)
The Fu-Go balloon bomb was an Imperial Japanese incendiary balloon weapon designated to attack the USA and blown by the fast high altitude air crents across the Pacific. Each balloon was a hydrogen filled paper balloon, 33 feet (10 m) in diameter and fitted with an incendiary device. Over 9,000 balloons were launched by the Imperial Japanese Army from sites off coastal Honshu beginning the 3rd November 1944. The last was launched on the 20th April 1945, of which approximately 300 reached the American continent. The balloons were a complete failure except for one that landed in Bly, Oregon on the 5th May 1945. Reverend Mitchell and his pregnant wife Elsie drove to Fremont National Forest for a picnic. Accompanying them were five Sunday school students. Elsie and the children discovered a balloon and carriage on the ground, while Reverend Mitchell parked the car. By being disturbed the on-board anti-personnel bomb exploded, instantly killing four boy students. Elsie and another girl student died later of wounds. The incident was hushed up at the time but in 1950 the Mitchell Monument was built on the site of the explosion.
To Brussels this evening. Left at 4.45 pm with Charles and we were down in Brussels by 6.30. Good going. Had excellent meal with H’s and then left at 11.30 back and in bed at 1.30!
To A From Nil
Fri 6 April
To A From G, L, ECS, Map L.
Saturday 7 Apr
To Nil From Nil.
Sun 8 (Apr)
To Brussels this evening.
To A From Nil
Mon 9 (Apr)
Brussels all day.
Wrote A (unfinished) From Nil.
Tuesday 10 (Apr)
Back to T and into Germany.
To A, L From L, A, DF baccy.
Wed 11 Apr)
To A L & A From –
Thurs 12 (Apr)
To L
Fri 13 (Apr)
To A, GH. From A, ECS.
Sat 14 (Apr)
Very busy this morning but finished move instr and things were easier after lunch.
Charles away all day to the other side of Munster.
To A From A.
Sun 15 (Apr)
Busy again all day today. Fell myself out at 10 pm and wrote to Gerald before turning in early – John Turner back from leave but goes to 15 L of S Sub Area tomorrow poor show.
To G From A.
Mon 16 Apr
Move to RHEDE – stayed at WALBECK until 1 ocl then over the Rhine to Rhede. Took 2½ hrs – not much happening but didn’t get back until 10.30 pm from office then cards with C. very nice little room to myself – good bed.
To A From Nil.
Tues 17 Apr
To A From L, B.
Wed 18 Apr
Out to 1 Cdn Army – off duty 10.10 pm!
To A From AG.
Thurs 19 (Apr)
To L From Nil
Fri 20 Apr
To A (+ pres) From A, L, ECS, M
Sat 21 Apr
Ruskies 14? Miles from Berlin.
To A From A
Sun 22 Apr
To Nil From Law Soc
Mon 23 Apr
To A From A, L, B.
Tues 24 Apr
In all day – finished at 10.30 pm.
To TM Zoute, A.Q. From G
Wed 25 Apr
In all day – v busy – perfect day. Celebrated A’s birthday – office only for chat time after dinner.
1st April 1915. Arrived at Poona. Met at Ghorpuri Siding by Brigadier-General H.T. Brooking, C.B., and the officers of the 2/4th Wiltshire Regiment, who kindly sent their band to play the Battalion into the station. Stationed in Ghorpuri Barracks. Lieut. P.L. Corban-Lucas and 40 other ranks of the 1st Battalion The Royal Sussex Regiment were attached to the Battalion as an instructional party. The month of April was spent in company training and preliminary musketry, officers and N.C.O.’s being sent to Schools of Instruction at Quetta, Pachmari, and Satara.
29th April 1915. The Battalion was inspected by Major-General C.G. Donald, Inspector of the Territorial Force in India.
30th April 1915. The Battalion took part in the Brigade parade for the presentation of medals by Brigadier-General H.T. Brooking, C.B., to the 102nd K.E.O. Grenadiers, lately returned from Muscat.
All the notebooks were written on the right hand page and additions, photos, cartoons or other documents were added to the left hand page.
Book 3.
1st April. During the last 72 hrs in the trenches we had remade 500 yards of front trench, constructing numerous splinterproofs, 14 sniping posts, 10 bomb proofs, 40 yards of new support trench, 200 yards of new communication trench & put out much barbed wire. All this was done by less than 500 men. I had a novel in my pack to read in any spare time, needless to say it was not opened. Still it was the most enjoyable time we had yet had. The night we marched off the Norfolk Adj was killed. Poor Frost the Cheshire Adj had been killed the day before. They had both been with their Regts since Mons. The men spent the day having baths and generally cleaning up.
2nd April. Another peaceful day. I gave a couple of lectures to Officers.
3rd April. The Bishop of London addressed the troops, in the afternoon I rode to Poperinghe for lunch and tea. I was reminded by a newspaper article of a visit I paid to the Irish convent at Ypres on March 22nd. A Scotch Territorial Regt was quartered there and in a search for “Souvenirs” had broken open and ransacked all the cupboards. Nuns clothing and sacred vestments were lying pell-mell on the floor, large four poster beds had been thrown down on to the chapel floor and were being broken up for firewood. The old custodian (the nuns had all departed) with tears in his eyes begged me to stop it. I could only recommend him to apply to the Town Major but he said that was useless, he had done so many times but all that happened was that a Gendarme would come round with a notebook. I told him to try again. His only other remedy was to complain to the G.O.C. of the Town Major.
4th April. A quiet day, rode into Poperinghe for lunch. A Zeppelin was said to have passed over our huts and dropped bombs killing 2 civilians further on.
5th April. The following evening after a downpour lasting all day we marched into Ypres, the Coy Officers & men being accommodated in the Cavalry barracks. The C.O., Adj, Doctor & myself being in a house in the Honde straat. My room was very dark as planks had been put up in place of the shattered windows but I had a bed to sleep on. The rooms below were used as an Officers Mess. The Huns had destroyed the house next door the previous day,
6th April and in the morning they dropped two high explosive shells into a house three doors off. Fortunately it was unoccupied. I walked round the ramparts in the afternoon. They remain in their mediaeval state, very few houses beyond the moat, large casemates underneath the ramparts giving ample protection in case of bombardment. The old sally ports were choked up with rubbish. Many of the large trees had been blown down by shell fire. In the morning I was President of a F.G.C.M.
7th April. About 8 a.m. there were a series of loud crashes. One shell struck the house next door and filled the air with dust and plaster. Another couple demolished a house three doors off. Others dropped into the adjoining street. The total casualties amounted to over 60 killed and wounded within a radius of 50 yards. A distinctly unhealthy locality. We were not sorry to get orders to move that night.
Instead of going into the trenches we were sent back to Renninghest here the men were in huts which were in a regular quagmire. The Coy Officers were in the same place only the Regt Staff had bed rooms. Mine was a tiny attic above a place where “officers were washed”. The great advantage being the amount of hot water one could get for a bath. The Officers Mess was made in an Estaminet close by.
On the opposite page is a newspaper cutting.
5th April. The reason of our not going into the trenches was because the men of the original 25th Div. were considered to be fit to take their place in the line again (they had been somewhere down south resting for the last month). They were now to take over the trenches held by the French to the north. This is where the Germans made their gas attack a fortnight later and gained some miles of ground, so the 25th Div have been unfortunate. An order was published by Sir John French stating how well the 25th Division had been doing of late, but of course it referred to the 15th, 13th & 9th Bdes called the 25th Div for the time being. In his Despatch of April 7th he said that on the extreme left of the British line a considerable superiority had been gained over the enemy by sniping methods. This could only have referred to us. The French General on our left made some very favourable comments on our work and methods and evidently much preferred us to our predecessors. My knowledge of French was of great value in ensuring cooperation.
We now came back into the 5th Div under Gen Bulfin and the line was re-divided up. Some old foils had been found lying about in the Cavalry Barracks with these we managed to get a fair amount of exercise. Kennedy being an expert man-at-arms took us on in turn.
On the opposite page is a Bainsfather cartoon “The Dud Shell – Or the Fuze-Top Collector” this has been annotated “Col Griffin found two men of the Q.V.R. doing this outside H.Q. dugout except that they were using a**** to heave the fuze and a lot of powder was lying loose and close bye. They said they got good prices for the empty shells in Ypres.
9th April. There was a snowstorm in the morning but it cleared up later. I had another bout with the foils and went for a ride. There was very heavy firing all night but as an old woman put it “The nearest point German guns can reach is an hour’s march. Poperinghe a mile further back still has since been heavily shelled so her confidence was misplaced.
10th April. A beautifully fine day cold with a high wind which dried up the country wonderfully. We marched off in the afternoon halted in Ypres for tea and then took up the line 48 to 56. Headquarters was in a large dug out in the railway cutting built by the R.E. proof against H.E. shells but pitch dark so a lamp had to be burning day and night. The atmosphere was very thick and the telephone operators kept up a constant chatter. Three bunks were arranged which were occupied by The C.O. Adj: and myself. Later on I had a window built somewhat after the fashion of an area window. It gave us fresh air and light.
On the opposite page is a sketch map of the H.Q. dug out in the railway cutting.
The trenches were very fair but as usual there were only splinter proofs for the Officers. A communication trench 9 feet deep and 200 yards long had been dug by our predecessors the Q.V.R. It only was broad enough for one man at a time. Our first work was to provide passing places and then widen it to enable stretchers to be taken down.
11th April. My first walk round the trenches held by the Bn at dawn took me 3 hours, there was a great deal to arrange for. During the day I went round another five times in fact only sat down for meals. Two Generals came up and the Bde Major and Machine Gun Officer also required personally conducted tours. We were told that Hill 60 was to be blown up shortly and that we had been specially selected to make the arrangements and rush the hill. (This was afterwards altered as the Div Commander wanted to have perfectly fresh troops for it).
On the opposite page is a Bairnsfather cartoon “They’ve evidently seen me”. This shows an Artillery Observer up a chimney out of which a shell has removed half. Underneath is written “There was a tall chimney stack close behind us near Zillebeke used as an observation post for gunners. The Germans regularly shot at it and once took some bricks out. The observer hastily slid down”.
In the afternoon a Gunner Major Athy came up with his subaltern to “register” i.e. to fire a few rounds to get the exact range of the German trenches. The Gunners of the 25th Division who knew the ground had been taken away when the Division was broken up and our own gunners of the 5th Division had taken their place but were quite new to the ground. Gunners once they know the ground should be left where they are unless a move is imperative. To change them just before an attack is suicidal except of course for a mobile reserve which should be pushed from point to point to reinforce the guns already there. The result of the change was that every battery had to register as it arrived thus attracting retaliatory fire which considerably impeded the work necessary preparatory to the attack and causing aeroplane reconnaissances to be made to discover the reasons for such unwarranted activity.
I went forward with Major Athy to show him the best places to observe from an operator with telephone wire accompanied us. In 45 Edwards joined us and from the extreme salient we began to observe through periscopes the first two shells were too far over so he ordered “shorten fifty”. The operator said “They have fired” and we all observed the German trench expecting to see the shell burst over it within a couple of seconds “Whump” a crash and we were covered with earth, the shell had burst behind us. I looked up the four others were motionless & I thought I was the only survivor. However they were all right except the Major who was breathing his last with a shrapnel bullet through the head. The operator told the battery to cease fire and he was carried back. Before going up we had complained that our Gunners had dropped a number of shells into our trenches and he had said that we might be quite sure they would not do it while he was up. It was really a subaltern’s job to report the results but he was a very keen and energetic Officer. We heard afterwards that it was the fault of the fuze many of which now cannot be relied upon owing probably to the greater output and less supervision in the workshops. During the day some six bodies were reburied. There had been very severe fighting on the hill in November and many men had been buried in the actual trench with a few inches of earth over them, in other cases in making a new trench a number of bodies would be met with. It became our daily task to rebury a few men and to put up small wooden crosses to mark the spot.
On the opposite page are two photographs of the bomb proofs in the railway cutting. Under one is written Very large bomb proof with 2 entrances which I designed as a hospital dressing station hundreds of wounds were afterwards dressed.
12th April. We continued the work of making bomb proofs in the railway cutting splinter proofs in all the trenches and opening out and draining new communication trenches, this went on day and night. During the afternoon a German aeroplane tried to drop a bomb in the railway cutting but missed it by quite 100 yards. Our Gunners dropped two shells into our trenches but there were no casualties. As I was walking round with the C.O. and Adj near 42 – the Germans must have spotted us from opposite 45 as they favoured us with a succession of whizz bangs. We took shelter in the Officers dug out but were far from happy there as they kept it up for some minutes and were remarkably close. During the night the Germans or rather Saxons threw over a couple of messages to which I made a suitable reply the following night in German. Gen. Northey came up to see how the work was progressing and had a portion of the parapet blown down by a field gun just before we reached the spot. If anybody with a staff cap on came near the front trenches it always seemed to attract shell fire.
On the opposite page is a piece of typescript saying
GERMAN PEACE OVERTURES
The following is a translation of two letters which were tied round stones and thrown into our trenchers last night by the Germans:-
“Dear honoured Comrades;
As this war has now been going on for about nine months, and whole villages with their inhabitants have been devastated, it is now high time to put a stop to it. We are all tired of this savage life, and you must be too. Our dear wives and children await and long for our return and yours must do the same. Hoping that we may do some good by this. We remain with friendly greetings.
The Germans.
Sapping Party,
11th April 1915.
Dear French, English and Comrades,
It is now just about time you stopped all this, for I think you will soon have had enough of your war. Our losses are great and yours must be three times as big. Every day it gets finer, and it would be better if we could be at home with our wives and children, who are waiting every day for us as yours are waiting for you. Let us have peace on Earth before the cherry blossom comes out, but the sooner the better. Or do you want to go on sitting for ever in these damned trenches.
With friendly greetings
The Germans.
To try and equalize the evident disparity in losses, our men this morning shot three or four Germans in the trench from which the above letters were thrown.
13th April. During the day I mapped out a maze of old disused trenches and had several remarkably narrow shaves from German whizz bangs while doing so. Two struck the ground within ten yards of me. I think we could be seen from the caterpillar, anyway we took shelter in an old French dug out. They are very lavish with these shells.
On the opposite page is a sketch map of the trenches in this area.
Below is written We had about 600 men holding from 38 to 46 of these 400 men were in the front trenches and only 200 in support available for fatigues. These had to bring up rations for the men in the trenches that took 100 men two hours then bringing up ammn took the remaining 100 men another two hours daily as ample supplies had to be accumulated. In spite of this the work shown in red was done between the 10th and 21st of April. In violet is shown the work done be fatigue parties of other Regts.
Gen. Northey again went round the front trenches. When we came to 45 Cannon informed us that he had just been badly had by the Saxons. Two of them jumped over their parapet and began digging, he being only just out thought they were digging a grave and told our men not to fire. Presently ropes were passed out to them but instead of a coffin the wheels of a gun appeared over the parapet. Our men then opened fire but the gun was in position and shortly afterwards firing at point blank range our parapet at that point was demolished. We answered back as best we could with rifle grenades and dropped six near the gun. Some damage must have been done as a German Officer was seen to shake his fist at us and bob down again but the gun was a thorn in the flesh for several days. Each morning blowing to pieces the parapet which had been rebuilt during the night.
14th April. I continued mapping out the trenches and in one which had not been used for months (X) found a dead Frenchman and an Englishman lying just as they had been shot down. Two of the “missing”. In the morning the Germans dropped a regular hail of shrapnel over the “green field”. I only just reached shelter in time a number of bullets struck the ruined wall behind which I had taken cover.
In the evening passing down a communication trench a whizz bang passed over, I sat down hurriedly, another carried away the built up parapet over my head nearly deafening me. Then there was a succession of seven others. As fire works they were not bad – a blinding flash then the report. In the dark they certainly look very effective.
15th April. We had great difficulty in draining H & K communication trenches owing to springs. Barrels were procured and let into the ground as sump pits then boarded over.
In places new trenches had to be dug as the water percolated through at such a rate once you got down two feet.
Daily working parties now came up from the 14th Bde to assist in reconstructing the old French dug outs in the Larch wood and to improve the disused trenches A & B and prolong 42a. They also demolished and broke into pieces the size of a tennis ball the brick walls of farm at L. These were put into sandbags. The idea was to have 5000 ready so that the moment the hill was taken a supporting party could carry them forward and build them up into a parapet.
They would stop a bullet and be comparatively light to carry. In the actual event only about 1000 were taken forward. A large pattern sandbag had been sent up which made them very heavy when filled and altho’ perhaps effective against rifle bullets they were a positive disadvantage under shell fire as their fragments went flying in every direction when struck. In the morning while shaving just outside the Headquarters Bomb proof the Germans sent over a quantity of shell which brought down a regular hail of splinters through the trees. We had five men wounded close by.
16th April. At dusk and dawn we continued bringing material from Zillebeke to complete our bomb & splinter proofs. Double the work could always be done when it was light enough to see a little and yet dark enough so as not to be seen from the enemy lines. As a rule at these hours there was far less firing but it required judgement since a working party if spotted from the German trenches might receive heavy punishment before they could get under cover. Fortunately a mist generally prolonged the time we could work. I went over all the trenches with an Engineer Officer to place notice boards and gave him several copies of my map. The only one they had was hopelessly inaccurate as I pointed out walking round. That evening I was sent back to the Reformatory (the place I had been taken to when wounded in Nov.) to make arrangements for billeting two Coys which with H.Q. were to be there on the 17th so as to make room for the 13th Bde in the trenches. The Huns greeted my departure with a few shells. There was no cover near and the splinters came uncomfortably close. I fixed up the necessary arrangements choosing the cells for the Officers and a superintendant’s house for the Mess.
17th April. The two Coys arrived about 5 a.m. the reliefs having been very late.
A few days before the buildings had been heavily shelled but as it happened there were only a few Gunners there and no lives were lost tho’ much damage was done.
In the morning I went out with Col. Griffith to discover the best way to get up to the trenches by day. It was not easy as the ground was overlooked from two directions. At 7 o’clock we found ourselves on the square tower of the Reformatory with several Gunner observation officers.
On the opposite page is a sketch of the First explosion on Hill 60.
It was just getting dark. The low ridge of Hill 60 was clearly outlined against the sky. Suddenly a huge black cloud rose from the centre of the hill. Ten seconds later a yellow flame and another volcanic eruption while the sound of the first explosion came back to us two other mines were sprung at 10 and 20 seconds interval but meanwhile all the guns began to speak and the peaceful evening became an inferno. Flashes of our bursting shells beyond the ridge could be plainly seen but soon the German guns began to reply and shells bursting round the tower made it advisable to seek shelter. It was also time for dinner and it is never safe to miss a meal when you may be drawn into battle at any moment. It was a great relief to see the explosion since for days we had known that the Germans were also mining, at one point their gallery was within 3 feet of ours and there was the double danger of their running into our gallery and the possibility of their mine going off first. They had already exploded one mine which had caused heavy casualties among the 9th Lancers in November. The French had exploded an ineffective mine in December, the British at the same time exploding one under the German trenches. The Monmouth Territorials, R.E. were responsible for our mining and being all trained coal miners did most excellent work. In this branch I think we do better than the Germans. The men worked noiselessly lying on their backs and getting the earth out with their feet “stamping”. We dined in the superintendants house with a most infernal din going on outside. A battery had taken up its position close behind us and were firing over the house. The flashes were clearly visible from the German lines and they fired back. Every minute the house might be destroyed by one of their shells. To add to the music a gramophone had been found in one of the rooms and was turned on.
Firing continued with intervals throughout the night. We were held ready to move at 10 minutes notice.
18th April. Next morning we heard that all was not well. The Germans had retaken most of the hill. There was to be a counter attack at 7 p.m. when all the guns were to cooperate. The two Coys in the Reformatory were to move forward to the Larch wood in readiness to support. At 4 p.m. the order was received to send the men forward in driblets taking advantage of the cover afforded by hedgerows. We soon found ourselves mixed up with the East Surreys who had orders to proceed as far as the Zillebeke dam. This caused some delay as when they halted our men behind also halted and I had to go back a long way to bring them along. The Germans who could see us quite plainly opened heavy fire and among other things set a barn on fire which was filed of wounded.
The first Coy reached the Larch wood in time but D Coy was still a mile away when the attack started.
The German reply was to smother the ground behind the position with shells. I had dropped back to hurry on the last sections of D Coy, now the head stopped. I ran forward and found Kennedy had halted them in a ditch as there was a series of bursting of shell between us and the Larch wood. Our orders were to get there by six o’clock, it was already past seven and we might be required at any moment.
I led way on and we got under shelter with but little loss. We were getting a good many gas shells which were almost blinding in their effect and made breathing difficult.
The shelling continued all night. We heard that the West Ridings had retaken the hill with heavy losses. Gen now proposed to withdraw his Brigade handing over the position to Col. Griffith who in addition to the Bedfords was to have the East Surreys under his orders.
19th April. I went up the hill about 4 a.m. to take over the trenches and relieve the West Ridings. It was a veritable shambles, the craters were full of wounded men some of whom had been there since the night of the 17th. The German trenches were very narrow and the relief was difficult to manage as there were very few places where two men could pass. Owing to the danger of a counter attack I dared not evacuate any portion until some of our men were available. I decided to hold it with 4 platoons (C & D Coys 2 each) (the West Ridings had 4 Coys) and gave instructions as to making new communication trenches, evacuating the wounded and pushing bomb parties up the communication trenches leading to the German line. I also made a careful sketch of the position occasionally breaking off to bind up a wound or give water to a wounded man.
On the opposite page is the sketch referred to in the text, entitled “Careful copy of sketch showing position of craters and new trenches.”
The shelling continued in a modified way Kelly of D Coy Kirch of C Coy were killed besides 100 other casualties. I had several shaves and once thought I was hit in the arm but it was only a clod of earth thrown up by a H.E. shell. There were a lot of German bombs in sacks mostly of the cricket ball type with a friction tube. There were also several of the hair brush & star fish variety. I had a look at two mine shafts and a very fine bomb proof used as an Artillery Observation Station.
Our sappers went down our mine shafts to see if they could be made any further use of. Two men were asphyxiated.
Later on I examined two Artillery Officers and several men taken prisoner before sending them back and obtained some valuable information. The men had respirators done up in waterproof cases they appeared to be of horse hair impregnated with some slimy substance. That evening the East Surrey took over 38 to 43 and the line LP with two Coys. Their other two were to relieve them the next day. They belonged to the 14th Bde and came up fresh from Reserve whereas we had been up since 10th April.
On the opposite page is some text in a much older hand than the main text and virtually unreadable.
We went back to the Railway cutting and 42.
20th April. Next morning Col Griffith asked me to go round the trenches and see how the East Surreys were getting on. All the German rifles, hand grenades etc were to be taken back. I had a long chat with their C.O. & also met Roupell again who came in to report. All was quiet and work proceeding satisfactorily. I got back to lunch about 2 o’clock. Soon afterwards the Ball began with a terrific bombardment after some two hours of this a telephone message came down asking for reinforcements from the East Surreys. Moyse was told to take his company, immediately afterwards the telephone wire was cut. An orderly brought down a message to say that the C.O., Adj and all the senior Officers of the East Surreys were killed or wounded could an Officer be sent up to take charge. Col Griffith asked me to go. The cutting was a blaze of bursting shells. I made a run for it and reached the beginning of the long communication trench at E. This was absolutely blocked with Capt Moyse’s Coy trying to get up and a quantity of wounded on stretchers trying to get down. There was nothing for it but to make another dash in the open to the far end near 38. Here I posted a sentry with orders to prevent any wounded man going back and also recalled those already in the con trench. By this means I got the reinforcements through and only just in time.
On the opposite page are two newspaper cuttings referring to Sec. Lieut. Benjamin Handley Geary and Lieut. George Rowland Patrick Roupell of the 1st East Surrey Regiment being awarded the V.C. in this action.
Roupell wounded in several places told me that the East Surreys were practically wiped out, a very few were still holding out at L when he left. I asked him to take up the leading platoon of ours to reinforce. This he did then went back to have his wounds dressed. I recommended Roupell for his good work, somebody else sent in his name for V.C.
A sapper Lt. Westland also led up reinforcing parties until he was wounded by a bomb.
He returned later on and then found the East Surreys had withdrawn to 46 and somewhere in reserve, he stayed with them there until relieved. Two Coys of the East Surrey were to have taken over the front trenches that night and certainly they ought to have reinforced their first two before we did but after losing their senior officers they withdrew leaving us to do all the fighting.
On the opposite page are three newspaper cuttings referring to the Hill 60 action.
They had 200 casualties and were given three V.C.’s. The Bedfords lost 400 killed & wounded and got nothing. I thought there were none of the East Surreys left they so completely effaced themselves. Towards dawn Capt Green informed me that he had found some of them in 46. They knew where to find me but never reported where they were tho’ they knew I was in charge.
I made my headquarters at T where I was best able to direct reinforcements & supplies and receive & send off reports thence I made my way up and down the trenches at intervals during the night to see how things were progressing. I was about 60 yards from the front trench on the right of the hill and 80 yards from the left front trench.
I told off Capt Green to be responsible for the left section M K and Capt Edwards for the right section O P they were to see that repairs to the trenches were uninterrupted and report at intervals how things were going. The trenches were hardly recognisable and in some cases could no longer be said to exist. H had been levelled altogether and machine guns from Zwartelen and the Caterpillar enfiladed and took our lines in reverse.
On the opposite page is a newspaper cutting with a plan showing Hill 60 and the area. It is annotated “Red blob shows where I made my headquarters during the night T in large scale sketch.”
The bombardment continued throughout the night petrol was squirted over and some gas shells were used but a slight breeze prevented our being incommoded. Requests for reinforcements and more ammunition and bombs were continuous. First the Germans got in at L then they were driven out – by morning they were back again. Here it was that Webb was heard to say just before he was killed “It will be a glorious death.” A German prisoner was brought back to me caught as he was trying to throw a grenade. I sent Kennedy’s Coy to hold and improve the trench M L which could not, as it was, be used as a fire trench. He did great work throwing hand grenades until hit in the leg (amputated later). Ogilvie of A Coy lost his hand at the same time. Knight of C and Harvey of B were also killed up there during the night. Capt Moyse until wounded about dawn was with his Company holding the line about P. Darbishire was hit in the lungs & Cameron also wounded up there. Reinforcements could not keep pace with the casualties and every moment I dreaded a general assault. Some Liverpool Terriers who had come up on fatigue I ordered to hold 39 & 40 which were denuded of troops and required much repair. Some Territorial Engineers I also kept in readiness.
On the opposite page is a Message and Signals form with a message addressed to Major Allason dated 21.4.15. it says “I sent you up 30 boxes S.A.A. & 4 boxes of grenades some time ago. 6 more boxes of grenades & 6 boxes S.A.A. have just gone up. See some get to left of hill 60.
1 Company Q.V.R. is now starting to help you. There are apparently a large number of men in front line trenches. Send some up to assist left of hill 60.
O.C. Bedfords 12.15a.m.
Annotated next to this message is “All their men the ammn and the grenades had been used up when this message arrived. 36 boxes of ammn were fired off in no time.
21st April. About midnight the pressure at P became bad and at 1.30 a.m. a message came through that the Germans had taken that bit. At the same moment Major Lees arrived with a Company of the Q.V.R’s. I did not know what officers remained alive opposite P so asked Major Lees to take up his Coy and with the balance of our men retake the trench. He told me that they had come up without bayonets being told they were only wanted for fatigue. I said that in the dark the Germans would never know. Our men up there would go first. He agreed and about half an hour later the message came that they were back in the trenches. He was killed soon after.
On the opposite page are cuttings regarding the award of five V.C.s. In one case there is an annotation regarding Lieut Wooley “Apparently his Capt and one subaltern were also killed. Capt Moyse was within a few yards of Wooley at P on the right of hill 60 all night and Capt Edwards was also up there until the reliefs took place. My headquarters were only 60 yards back. Lt. Pullane was at O and Capt Green, also unwounded, was on the left of the hill till relieved. I have no doubt Wooley did good work.
I made my headquarters a sorting station for bombs we had about six different varieties and the detonators were in separate boxes and would only fit their own type. Most of the grenades were in screwed down boxes. Attempts to open these with an entrenching tool and jack knives proved unavailing but fortunately I had a screwdriver in my knife which quite saved the situation. The grenades as soon as prepared were sent up to the front trench and there were constant demands for more. Between two and three a.m. there was a slight lull in the proceedings and I sent down to ask for some food but before any came a fresh burst of fire occurred and suddenly I saw the whole of our front line coming back in a wave. I called on all the men at work in 49 and 50 to fix bayonets and counter attack. It stopped the retirement but the Germans had now brought up field guns to the Caterpillar and Zwartelen and were blowing our parapets down six feet at a time. It was pitiful to see the men throw up their arms and fall back dead. Others at once filled the gap and continued to fire on the guns and the enemy. I asked our gunners to afford us some support but the wires had been cut by artillery fire during the night and it was an hour before they opened fire. (It ought to be done within 5 minutes). All machine guns had been removed from the Dump so we were left to extricate ourselves as best we could. Meanwhile an overwhelming machine gun & rifle fire was concentrated on the hill and numerous bomb attacks made. About 4.30 a.m. a Coy of the Devons arrived this eased matters considerably and on our guns opening fire the German shelling decreased. We were running out of bombs and ammunition was very short so I thought best not to endeavour to get back into the front line until some supplies were up as it might provoke a general assault.
On the opposite page is a Message and Signals sheet with a message addressed to Major Allason, dated 21.4.15 saying “Please see Major Radcliffe 1st Devons with sufficient bombs **** who is now in command of 1st line and tell him arrange immediate attack with fresh troops on left of hill 60. Would suggest that a Company 1st Devons should meet the case. Immediate action necessary. Am sending up more bombs at once, & 6 R. Fus, bomb throwers (about 60) are already with you. Chas B. Griffith Lt. Col. 7.10 a.m. Commanding Section
About 7.30 a.m. Major Radcliffe came up with a second Coy of the Devons, he was senior to me and was to take charge. He suddenly vanished but reappeared 20 minutes later with his head bandaged (having been hit meanwhile). We agreed that there was no good object in attacking the front trench until a good supply of bombs were available. Some 60 “bomb throwers” of the 5th Fusiliers had come up without bombs and without an officer. We were holding the crest of the hill only 20 yards behind the front trench. I went round the trenches with Radcliffe and was returning from the crater R through 38 when wounded in the right thigh by a shell. He bound up the wound and, one of my men coming along just then, left me to take charge on the hill.
With assistance I managed to get down the long communication trench. This had been in places quite knocked in and made level with the ground tho’ it had been 9 feet deep. Work had been continued on it during the night but the damage done by shell fire is almost incredible. At the cutting a stretcher took me to the Dressing Station (see photo) and thence, after making my report to Col. Griffith, I was carried on a stretcher about two miles to a motor ambulance which took me to the Field Ambulance beyond Ypres. Here I had some food (the first for 24hrs) and was taken on to Poperinghe. Here my wound was dressed and that evening I was sent by train to Boulogne
22nd April. I was taken to No. 7 General about 4 a.m. and put in a room with Major Tyndall (shot in the spine).
23rd April. I remained there that day & next afternoon sailed in the St. Andrew to Dover arriving at Grosvenor Gdns at 10.30 p.m.
On the opposite page are two cuttings on the capture of Hill 60.
To come back to what happened on the morning of 17th April on the hill after we left A Coy was left holding 38 and B Coy 45 their job was to remain on in the trenches whatever happened. So big a charge had never before been used in a mine and the Engineers were not sure what would happen.
The West Kents and K.O.Y.L.I. were to rush the hill immediately after the last explosion. The K.O.S.B’s were in support and the West Ridings in reserve a little way back. The Liverpool Terriers were to carry up sand bags behind the attacking force and help dig new communicating trenches forward to the Hill. All passed off satisfactorily the Germans were stupefied and only one casualty occurred. The work of entrenching proceeded gaily. At midnight the K.O.S.B’s came up to take over the front trenches and during the confusion incident on handing over the Germans attacked and drove them back with very heavy losses. A K.O.S.B. Officer told me that he had to go right back to the guns before they could be got to open fire, the wires had been cut during the evening bombardment and not repaired. He told me that the West Kents and K.O.Y.L.I. had also suffered severely. At 6 p.m. on the 18th April the West Ridings attacked (when our two Coys were brought up from the Reformatory) but failed to regain the whole of the ground beyond the far crater on our left. The Zwartelen trenches could have been taken with the greatest of ease when the explosions took place. Leaving the Germans there was absolutely fatal.
On the next few pages are newspaper cuttings from The Times.
The Bay Museum & Research Facility 