All the notebooks were written on the right hand page and additions, photos, cartoons or other documents were added to the left hand page.
1st March. I was President of a Field General Court Martial sitting from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. There were six prisoners. After that the Coy had to be paid, another 2 hrs and the day was nearly over. One of my subalterns (Kirch) had a beautiful pink & white birthday cake. Secretly I think he was rather ashamed of it but the Officers soon relieved him of the sight of it. There were any number of good things about and after a period of scarcity it was tantalising not to be able to eat any but my Little Mary was still qual****. We had never been able to get an issue of any jam other than Tickler’s Plum & Apple. Our Mess Sergt was able to procure plenty of ration marmalade in Bailleul at 1fr 80. An Army Service Corps perquisite. No jam worth eating could be expected to reach troops in the trenches with so many people on the lines of communication.
2nd March. Count Gleichen came round to say good bye he was off to command a Division in England. My billet is a large house close to the station. Von Kluck stayed there during the advance and as they had rather nice linen commandeered it all & sent it to Germany. Their cellar was drunk dry and horses stabled in the garden and courtyard. They left the house in a filthy state.
3rd March. We marched about 8 miles over very bad roads to our “rest camp” near Flamertinge (Vlamertinghe). It consisted of a collection of canvas huts in a field. Thick mud everywhere. The Officers arranged for a Mess in an Estaminet where there were chairs to sit on and a warm stove but at night we returned to the camp.
On the opposite page is a sketch plan of the location south east of Ypres.
4th March. We moved off about 4 p.m. and marched through Ypres to Rosenthal Chateau. It was quite dark as we marched through the town there was a sudden flash and a shell burst over our heads but the bullets lost themselves against the walls. There were a good many bullets whistling down the road but at least everyone was got under cover. The Officers were in two cottages. The men 2 Coys in the Chateau, one in the stables and one in the Chateau Lankhof a short distance further on. All the windows had to be blocked up to prevent any light showing as it was visible from Hill 60 and St. Eloi. The floors were indescribably filthy. We “spring cleaned” as best we could.
5th March. Some very fine bomb-proofs had been built by the French. These were now used as latrines. A nice job the Defaulters had making them habitable in case of shelling. I found men constantly went back there in preference to the latrines 200 yds away in the open where there was a chance of a stray shell. I told the Provost Sergt to put the next man he caught there on sentry to remain there until he caught another man. It stopped like magic the sentry got well chaffed & morale went up a point. The Chateau was slightly damaged by shell fire, a field at the back was pitted with large holes. A few shells burst fairly close during the day but most of them went into Ypres. All the furniture had been removed with the exception of a piano in good order. The men gave it no rest, they had a continuous sing song. In the afternoon I walked up to the trenches with Col Griffith Gen Northey & Andre the French Interpreter. We walked with wide intervals so as not to give too good a target. Still the bullets came quite close enough.
6th March. We continued the cleaning up process Capt Ogden found the top half of a Frenchman where it had been lying for weeks or months about a hundred yards from our cottage. He was proceeding to go into detail when Tabor asked him if he had had breakfast yet. He answered yes why? Because, was the answer if you go on with that yarn you will get mine.
That evening we went into the trenches. We now came into the 20th Division of which all 3 Bdes were changed. They were seasoned British troops from India but Flanders mud and cold had taken all the heart out of them. They were rotten with fever, took over trenches in the dark from the French. These it seems were not the original front line trenches (The French had lost them). They were attacked and driven back. Some trenches of sorts were made but no one knew quite where they were situated. The map in the Bde office was totally wrong. I copied it and then made a fresh survey on the ground. Our trenches were in parts 800 yds behind those shown as held. I made my headquarters in 32a trench but was also in charge of 32b. The sandbags were not bullet proof, there were no bomb proofs and only here and there could men fire over the parapet.
On the opposite page is a sketch plan of the area and a photograph of a trench.
It was really a communication trench, the Germans were holding the far end of it with a narrow barricade in between. It was open to attack simultaneously from front and rear and there was no wire between our lines & the German. No sniping plates had been put in position. It was sometimes known as the International and the Z trench. We worked like demons. The trench was full of water. By making sump pits and channels for the water to run in and clearing out much filth a great improvement was made but there was a constant stream of water coming from the Germans. I could hear the Germans at work the other side of the barricade a yard from me and was afraid they might be preparing a mine. (We were trying to make one towards them from 32a) I decided to evacuate 20 yards of the trench and dam up the water so that if they tried to rush that portion of the trench they would find themselves up to their thighs in mud. A traverse was built with loopholes firing straight down it. (On our return we found the Dorsets had carefully filled in these loopholes and built up the sandbags so that there was no firing over them). During the night there were several sharp bursts of fire & an attack seemed probable. I don’t think they liked our plan of firing whenever a flare went up just before they could.
7th March. After daybreak we could not put in quite so much work but it was steadily continued. We had been issued with “Vigilant” periscopes the first Govt issue of any kind that had been made to the Regt. They consisted of a piece of looking glass 2 inches by one inch mounted so that it could be fixed on a bayonet. Here they proved invaluable tho’ they were broken if left up for more than a few seconds.
8th March. That evening a Coy of the 8th Liverpool Terriers were attached for 24 hr tour of duty. I put a platoon in 32a and sent a platoon of our men into support so as not to be too crowded. The Terriers were told off for all the ordinary duties in pairs with our men so as to give them a good idea of the duties when they should hold a position of the line on their own. (The Dorsets instead of doing this sent them into Dug outs in rear where they could learn nothing). The Ptes were rather of the City clerk type desperately keen to learn. Suddenly about 10 a.m. there was a terrific burst of fire coming from our left. Soon the tops of our sandbags were being ripped to pieces. I thought a General assault was imminent so did the Terriers. I heard one man say “Oh why did that platoon of Regulars go back.” My periscope soon showed me there was no attack being made so I kept everybody under cover until at last the firing died down. Without a periscope countless lives would have been sacrificed. A little later as I was standing by a man looking through a Vigilant fixed on his bayonet a bullet took a large bite out of the bayonet. I felt as if somebody had caught me with a big stone on the back of my head. It was bleeding profusely so I had some iodine put on and had it bound up. (X-rays show a piece of metal still in my head). My eye also was cut sometime during the day without my noticing it and remained troublesome for over a month. The head wound was healed in a week.
On the opposite page is a photo showing the “Effect of one shell on a large house in the Place de la Gare. Myself in foreground with a bandaged head.”
After that the Vigilants were always fixed on bits of stick less visible than a bayonet and quite safe if hit. A German machine gun about the point A was very troublesome so Cpl Chandler lobbed over a few hand grenades which quite shut them up. On the left of the trench they were more amenable and threw over a cigarette and bit of newspaper. From 33 trench inclusive there was another Bde. The sap was a very narrow trench full of water but some men had always to be holding it. At B and C sentries from the other Bde were posted with orders to fire occasionally as the side tracks “led to German trenches”. I had my doubts & caused them to be explored; afterwards as they were knee deep in mud I put on some working parties to make them passable. We were constantly being shot at from the direction of 35 trench. Whether they were overs from the Germans or from the right section of 34 I cannot say but I suspect the latter anyway we had several casualties from the left rear. We naturally expected them from the right rear near A. To make matters worse our own gunners dropped shells into 32b and caused many casualties. (Chiefly 8th Liverpools). We were relieved that evening and marched back with quite a lively dropping of unaimed fire. The Germans seem to be able to expend an infinite amount of ball ammn but is extraordinary how few people get hit. There was one very bad spot. A gap in the Barbed wire near Bn H. Q. upon which evidently several rifles were trained. The Liverpools marched into Ypres from the Chateau giving me the cheeriest of “Good night & Good luck, Sir” as they passed. They seemed very pleased with themselves and almost sorry there had not been a German attack.
9th March. We were billeted in Rosenthal again as before. No attempt had been made during our absence in the trenches by the Dorsets to continue cleaning up. It had been a beautiful place with a lake, places for breeding wild duck & pheasants, a large kitchen garden with lots of glass and magnificent stables. The lake was choked with trees cut down by shell fire and everything else was more or less knocked about. A lot of shell were dropped close to the chateau during the day and one shrapnel struck the cottage I was in. We managed to get some bloaters, these were grilled on an improvised gridiron. They were voted a great success. Later on I was sent for by Br. Gen. Northey to give information regarding the trenches. The man who relieved me reported that he had been attacked soon after we left – I wonder!
On the opposite page is a sketch showing 2 the extraordinary British trenches facing every direction and firing into one another.”
10th March. In the morning I had to go to the Norfolk H.Q. the other side of Ypres as President of a F.G. Court Martial. There were 5 prisoners, rather involved cases and I only just got back in time to march off to the trenches. One man was badly hit on the way up by a stray bullet. I occupied a dugout with Neville, the M.G. Officer some 30 yards behind 31 B. There were gaps of over 100 yds between the trenches on the right and left & no wire up. In fact nothing to prevent the Germans walking through any night they liked. I caused a series of little posts to be made which were subsequently all to be connected up. The trench as usual was under water and a drain 100 yds long had to be cut. The communication trench also required a lot of draining. We started a sap forward to get in closer contact with the Germans. An old trench full of water was found where the dotted line runs. My idea was to get forward on to that line and connect 32b with 32a at the same time preparing a second line in case 32a was rushed on had to be abandoned.
11th March. Soon after dawn going round 29 trench I had to walk over a protruding dead body buried in the bottom of the trench, a horrible idea but later I found it very universally done by other Regts. It was an ideal position for a sniping post and the one rifle with telescopic sights we had was employed there but next day for some unknown reason it was taken away. The Germans dropped about a dozen shell into the middle of a working party some 40 yards from my dug out. They were in a wood but must have been visible from some point in the enemy lines. I hardly expected to find anyone left but they dived into the drain they were making at the first shell and only one man was killed. Capt. Ogden was wounded in the head in 32a trench (the one I got hit in).
On the opposite page is a message to
The Officer Commdg Bedfordshire Regt. The German Trench mortar appears to be fired from a point about 500 yds S.SW of my Trench (32 A).
I am being fired at by rifle fire from my left rear, Sgt Major Watson killed, possibly by people sent in support. Liverpool, very jumpy, should be glad if I could have someone to give me a hand.
C Kennedy 2 Lt. Comdg D Coy
1 p.m.
12-3-15.
12th March. Next morning the Germans started dropping trench mortars into 32a. I sent up Lt. Neville to worry them back with rifle grenades. In the afternoon a message from Lt. Kennedy who since Capt Ogden’s wound was alone in charge that he wanted assistance reached me and I went up to have a look round. On reaching C (on sketch) a trench mortar burst within 10 yards of me and I was covered with debris. They came regularly every eight minutes in all five burst while I was up, all exceedingly close. I found that the right section of 33 trench held by the 5th Fusiliers no longer existed. Our own trench 32a had not been damaged tho’ there were several wounded still there was no means of reaching it under cover now as it was necessary to go through 33 to get there.
On the opposite page is a photo and sketch of an area of trench.
I gave instructions for the breach to be repaired and the communication trench B.D. to be made passable. I sent up a working party with many hundred sandbags and barbed wire with Lt. Moxley of C Coy in charge. Two hours later another urgent message arrived so I went back. The trench mortar had ceased firing. (We had asked our guns to fire a few high explosive shell into the place we made out the fire coming from). They had turned a maxim on to the breech and all working had ceased except filling sandbags in readiness. I had filled my pockets with “Vigilant” periscopes. These I threw across the gap to Neville. All those in the trench had been shot away. Going back along the Fusilier trench I found the first section evacuated, in the next no one on lookout. One man had a periscope but did not know how to use it until I showed him. I asked for the officer in charge and eventually found a subaltern taking his ease in a very comfortable splinter proof. I pointed out the danger of leaving the sections next to the breach unwatched with the German trenches only 30 yards off and suggested that some of his men might assist in repairing the breech which was all part of their trench.
On the opposite page is a Bairnsfather cartoon.
He replied “Oh the Engineers are seeing to that. Our men are too tired”. I pointed out that the Bedfords were the only people about working. No Engineers were there. We had had just as hard a time as they had and the work was very urgent. He said “The Fighting Fifth” are never found wanting”. It was the same Bn which had run away from their trenches on the 7th Nov at Ypres and left us in the lurch. I felt a strong desire to say so but my duty was not to join in a silly wrangle but to get the work done and prevent a disaster. All I said was “Well let us see if you can do as well as the Bedfords”. That evening I heard that Lt. Moxley was killed putting out barbed wire on front of the 5th Fusiliers trenches. a splendid officer and a great loss to me.
On the opposite page are 4 photographs of Ypres and area.
13th March. We were relieved that evening and returned to Rosenthal. In the morning I attended Moxley’s funeral on the Ramparts. As soon as we got back the Huns started bombarding the Chateau grounds dropping some 30 forty pounder shrapnel all round and bringing trees and branches crashing down luckily no building was hit and no damage done.
14th March. There was more shelling and the Coy at Lankhof had one man killed and 2 Officers and 15 men wounded. Lankhof had been much more knocked about than Rosenthal. In fact there was not much left of it. The men were sheltered in the various outhouses. One man was found sitting in a pig sty on a beautiful Louis XIV sofa with curly legs collecting lice off his shirt. Beautifully brocaded chairs were in the cow sheds being gradually broken up. Marching back to the trenches that evening I had a nasty shock there was a whizz and a shell struck the ground 10 yards off. Had it exploded as nine out of ten do I should have been a gone coon but it fortunately did not.
On the opposite page are two photographs of life in the trenches.
My headquarters were in 32b trench and my chief anxiety was to make 32a safe.
15th March. I got hold of a pair of gum boots and spent the day wandering up to my knees in water. During the next 48 hrs Trench B.D. was made into a fire trench and drained. Another good fire trench was made at E.F. and a new communication trench dug between E and D the existing one being undrainable. During the night two men on listening post were caught asleep on their post. Instead of putting them under arrest for trial by F.G.C.M. when Death could be the only sentence the subaltern in charge sent them to put up some barbed wire during the rest of the night. One was killed but the other escaped with a wound. The moral effect on the Company was very good.
On the opposite page is a postcard of Ypres before and after the bombardment.
A dead Englishman was found at E in the old trench and buried. The sap from 32a was prolonged and made into a fire trench joining on to the communication trench running forward from 32b. The other Regts had a sentry whose duty it was to fire up this trench at stated intervals. No wonder the people in 32a had a bad time. They built up a sandbag parapet at the breech decreasing it by 20 yards. The 5th Fusiliers left their side in status quo and eventually as a concession said they would put on 5 men to work if we put on 5 men on our side! The whole of the breech was in their lines and all our men were at work, we had already done half of it. I agreed to save time, and sent in an official report later. I knew it was little use in doing this. Undoubtedly when the O.C. 5th Fusiliers was asked through the G.O.C. his Bde for a report his sense of “Esprit de Corps” would lead him to exculpate his men and the G.O.C Bde with the same ‘laudable’ intention would still further smooth matters so that instead of thanks one is looked upon as an insufferable busybody. While I was in the ambulance on 7th Nov the O.C. 5th Fusiliers came to say goodbye to a Capt in his Regt who was wounded. The Capt said “I saw the Germans coming on in great numbers so I thought it advisable to give the order to retire.” His C.O. said “Quite right old chap I know you did your best.” They were holding the line next to us and knowing there were no supports behind ran back the best part of a mile leaving us outflanked and the guns unprotected. They did not even await the attack tho’ entrenched. And yet some people still call them the Fighting Fifth. I suppose the O.C. 5th Fusiliers thought it was “Esprit de Corps” to stick up for his Capt whatever the circumstances.
My periscope was broken by a bullet in 32a during the morning. Luckily I had a spare glass. Later on a stone caught me a crack on the head without breaking the skin. The Huns were occasionally sending over a trench mortar these were very largely filled with flints and old nails. We replied with rifle grenades using up all those available and a very nice trench howitzer was placed in position near 32b and three rounds fired out of it by 2/Lt. Kennedy. (He had to sit on it when firing to keep it from flying up.) Unfortunately there were no more in the country and it was sent away to be re-bored so as to take some other type of amtn. It was exactly the thing we wanted most but I never saw another. In this manner we managed to prevent the Germans having it all their own way. A party of Territorial Engineers was at work on the sap towards the Germans and in trying to pump out the water I proposed to show them the new way back. There was a check when I was at E and zip a bullet just missed my nose. Looking up I noticed that there was a hole in the trench wall about one foot across made by a succession of rifle bullets evidently all fired off a rest. It caused a parados to be built up to catch these bullets in future.
16th March. The Huns continued trench mortaring us the next day and did some damage to the communication trenches. A body was seen to be lying in the breech. The 5th Fusiliers said they had accounted for all their men and he was certainly not one of ours. He proved on examination to be one of the 5th buried by an explosion of a trench mortar with others two days before and now thrown up by a fresh explosion. We found the benefit of the new ones. I took a couple of photographs in the morning (see 3 pages back). In the 48 hrs out of 60 men in 32a there were 15 casualties so we were very lucky considering what we had gone through. That night we marched back to Ypres. There was a certain liveliness on the way. The bullets humming past sounded just like a swarm of bees.
17th March. Eventually at 1 a.m. we reached the Cavalry Bks at Ypres and slept on soldiers plank beds. In the morning I had a cold bath with the men all round me (no privacy) but it was the first time I had had my clothes off for 14 days and no doubt many envied me. That afternoon we marched out to the Huts near Vlamertinge and within half an hour the men had found an old football and at once started a game. The ground had dried up wonderfully with a fortnight’s fine weather and the camp was quite a pleasant place. We had the same mess in an Estaminet. We were told that after we left Rosenthal for the trenches a shell struck the cottage we lived in and killed a Capt in the Dorsets. Quite a galaxy of Generals headed by Plumer came round to pat us on the back. As far as I was able to make out from individuals who were subsequently in the trenches 29 to 32 nothing was done to improve the position after we left. It was none too safe there in case of a real German push. The Staff had just seen the Dorsets with a group of 20 Coy officers & when our four lined up they wanted to know where all the others were. In six weeks we had lost over 20 officers, killed, wounded, frostbite and illness.
18th March. My birthday. Actually had a hot bath. A very cold day with snow on the ground. The men were marched off in parties to a school a mile away which had been converted into a bathing establishment, here after a wash in hot water they were given a clean set of underlinnen, unfortunately lice abounded not only in their clothing but also in the straw on which they slept so the relief was only a very temporary one. Still it probably kept the scourge under.
19th March. Another bitterly cold day. I rode in to Poperinghe with Col Griffith and had lunch and tea there.
20th March. Was President of a F.G.C. Marshal at Bde H.Q. while I was away General Smith Dorian came round and in an address told the men that The Norfolks and ourselves were the two best Regts in the Army. He was sorry he had to take us away from in front of Messines where we had done so well but it was the highest compliment he could pay us. He required some Veteran Battns on which he could absolutely rely to restore the British ascendency. He also said that we were considerably hampered by the strikes at home only six guns were available where 120 had been promised.
21st March. We marched into Ypres after dark and were billeted in a large house near the station. A shell had smashed up the back premises otherwise it was undamaged. The living rooms were covered with tapestry and the doors were inlaid. There was even a bath room, tho’ unfortunately the discharge pipe was choked. I slept on the floor in a room with Capt Edwards.
On the opposite page are three photographs of Ypres.
The men were accommodated in the Inf Barracks. These were practically undamaged by shell fire. The Town was full of civilians and business was flourishing. Many booths having been built up on the site of burnt houses – chiefly for the sale of pastry to the troops.
22nd March. I took the opportunity of going to an eye specialist as my eye had been violently inflamed since 8th March (when I was slightly wounded). He said it was a slight cut and it ought to be quite well in a fortnight. In the meantime I was to bathe it. How could I in the trenches!
On the opposite page is a sketch plan looking south and a photograph.
In C Coy out of 150 men in February only 80 were left of the originals tho’ drafts kept us up to strength. I looked at the Cloth Hall and St. Michael’s Church. The damage done is irreparable. Little more than the bare walls are standing.
23rd March. We only had 5 Coy officers left (20 short). Col Griffith not considering this sufficient for a tour in the trenches borrowed 4 officers from the Q.V.R. to make up the numbers a little.
During the night there was very heavy rifle fire and twice I came down thinking the Germans must be almost in the Town it sounded so close. There was also much big gun firing but nothing came of it. That evening we took over trenches 43 to 51. I was to be especially responsible for 49 to 51. 51consisted of a log hut for officers and a collection of esquimaux like huts made of branches of trees and turf for the men, not even splinter proof. Just before we arrived a shell splinter penetrated the officers log hut and a shell demolished a hut with three men in it. Strange to say only one of them was hurt. The march up was wonderfully free from stray bullets and the trenches tho smelly and wet were 50 to 150 yds from the Germans with a little barbed wire in between. There was comparatively little firing, in fact it seemed quite a haven of rest.
On the opposite page is a sketch plan showing Bedford bomb proof location.
24th March. In the morning I had a long talk with the French Commandant and was very favourably impressed. They belonged to the famous Iron Corps which took part in the battle of Metz and later in the fights for Verdun. It was most interesting comparing notes. We both agreed on points which formerly would have been considered rank heresy.
49 trench was absolutely enfiladed by the German trenches behind Hill 60 and being on the slope of a hill it was very difficult to make tenable except by building up high traverses and deepening the trench. As it had originally been made without traverses, it was found best to build the traverses over the trench making a small tunnel to pass through. Twelve were made altogether. These gave far better protection than the ordinary type of traverse could afford but were rather awkward for men with packs
on.
On the opposite page are two photographs, one of 49 trench
During the day drainage was worked at, the parapet thickened and sniping posts selected. I made a sketch of the trenches and decided on making a new communication trench to 50 trench and to prolong an existing French 2nd line one. The ridge behind us was very freely shelled at intervals and any individual showing himself there always caught it. That night there was a heavy down pour.
25th March. We carried on all day with the same work and constructed a number of splinter proofs in the trenches for the men. During the morning Lt. Tabor was wounded in the head while fixing an iron sniping plate. (He is still on sick leave 20.6.15) shelling of the ridge continued. The Cheshires relieved us that evening and we marched back to Ypres to the same billets. Just before leaving we wrapped some handbills announcing the fall of Przemysl in stones and threw them into the German trenches.
26th March. The following afternoon I bicycled out meeting Weatherby the Bde Major and an R.E. Officer on the way. I was not happy about the gaps between 48 & 49 and saw no object in a certain support trench which was supposed to be held. We wandered over the ground till after dark then returned having meanwhile fixed up a satisfactory scheme. Six North Stafford Officers were attached to us to bring up to our numbers (4 have since been killed, one sent back ‘nervous’ 20.6.15)
27 & 28 The next two days we stayed in Ypres except for heavy firing at night and an odd shell which nobody troubled about we might have been in London, that evening we returned to the same trenches. No coal or coke was sent up to the trenches for 48 hrs. This was due to a colonel in the A.S. Corps at Poperinghe who considered that his representative a Qr Master Sergt at Ypres was issuing more than was necessary and cut off all supplies. How we would have liked to put him in the trenches for 48 hrs to see how he would like the bitter cold. It is so easy to stop supplies when you are 20 miles back in a comfortable office. I sent in a report to Gen Northey before we left for the trenches.
29th March. The Cheshires told us that they had been trench mortared but of course could not reply as we had none. We were also greeted with rifle grenades and had some casualties. We fired off about half a dozen in reply and then had no more nor could any fresh ones be procured and yet the English papers were full of accounts of men striking for an extra penny an hour. The Cheshires M***** **** had buckled too and done a vast amount of work. I could hardly believe my eyes. A lot of it was hopeless, for instance they cut down so many trees that the Germans could see right through the wood and 51 became a death trap. They also made two trenches in the wrong places but it was so delightful to find someone outside our own Regt actually doing some work. Their new Colonel who always went round the trenches himself was of course the moving spirit (since killed). I had already selected a site closer to. Here this volume of text ends. It continues immediately at the beginning of the next book.
On the back two pages are two photographs of building bomb proof shelters and a newspaper cutting.
The Bay Museum & Research Facility 