All the notebooks were written on the right hand page and additions, photos, cartoons or other documents were added to the left hand page.
Book 3.
1st April. During the last 72 hrs in the trenches we had remade 500 yards of front trench, constructing numerous splinterproofs, 14 sniping posts, 10 bomb proofs, 40 yards of new support trench, 200 yards of new communication trench & put out much barbed wire. All this was done by less than 500 men. I had a novel in my pack to read in any spare time, needless to say it was not opened. Still it was the most enjoyable time we had yet had. The night we marched off the Norfolk Adj was killed. Poor Frost the Cheshire Adj had been killed the day before. They had both been with their Regts since Mons. The men spent the day having baths and generally cleaning up.
2nd April. Another peaceful day. I gave a couple of lectures to Officers.
3rd April. The Bishop of London addressed the troops, in the afternoon I rode to Poperinghe for lunch and tea. I was reminded by a newspaper article of a visit I paid to the Irish convent at Ypres on March 22nd. A Scotch Territorial Regt was quartered there and in a search for “Souvenirs” had broken open and ransacked all the cupboards. Nuns clothing and sacred vestments were lying pell-mell on the floor, large four poster beds had been thrown down on to the chapel floor and were being broken up for firewood. The old custodian (the nuns had all departed) with tears in his eyes begged me to stop it. I could only recommend him to apply to the Town Major but he said that was useless, he had done so many times but all that happened was that a Gendarme would come round with a notebook. I told him to try again. His only other remedy was to complain to the G.O.C. of the Town Major.
4th April. A quiet day, rode into Poperinghe for lunch. A Zeppelin was said to have passed over our huts and dropped bombs killing 2 civilians further on.
5th April. The following evening after a downpour lasting all day we marched into Ypres, the Coy Officers & men being accommodated in the Cavalry barracks. The C.O., Adj, Doctor & myself being in a house in the Honde straat. My room was very dark as planks had been put up in place of the shattered windows but I had a bed to sleep on. The rooms below were used as an Officers Mess. The Huns had destroyed the house next door the previous day,
6th April and in the morning they dropped two high explosive shells into a house three doors off. Fortunately it was unoccupied. I walked round the ramparts in the afternoon. They remain in their mediaeval state, very few houses beyond the moat, large casemates underneath the ramparts giving ample protection in case of bombardment. The old sally ports were choked up with rubbish. Many of the large trees had been blown down by shell fire. In the morning I was President of a F.G.C.M.
7th April. About 8 a.m. there were a series of loud crashes. One shell struck the house next door and filled the air with dust and plaster. Another couple demolished a house three doors off. Others dropped into the adjoining street. The total casualties amounted to over 60 killed and wounded within a radius of 50 yards. A distinctly unhealthy locality. We were not sorry to get orders to move that night.
Instead of going into the trenches we were sent back to Renninghest here the men were in huts which were in a regular quagmire. The Coy Officers were in the same place only the Regt Staff had bed rooms. Mine was a tiny attic above a place where “officers were washed”. The great advantage being the amount of hot water one could get for a bath. The Officers Mess was made in an Estaminet close by.
On the opposite page is a newspaper cutting.
5th April. The reason of our not going into the trenches was because the men of the original 25th Div. were considered to be fit to take their place in the line again (they had been somewhere down south resting for the last month). They were now to take over the trenches held by the French to the north. This is where the Germans made their gas attack a fortnight later and gained some miles of ground, so the 25th Div have been unfortunate. An order was published by Sir John French stating how well the 25th Division had been doing of late, but of course it referred to the 15th, 13th & 9th Bdes called the 25th Div for the time being. In his Despatch of April 7th he said that on the extreme left of the British line a considerable superiority had been gained over the enemy by sniping methods. This could only have referred to us. The French General on our left made some very favourable comments on our work and methods and evidently much preferred us to our predecessors. My knowledge of French was of great value in ensuring cooperation.
We now came back into the 5th Div under Gen Bulfin and the line was re-divided up. Some old foils had been found lying about in the Cavalry Barracks with these we managed to get a fair amount of exercise. Kennedy being an expert man-at-arms took us on in turn.
On the opposite page is a Bainsfather cartoon “The Dud Shell – Or the Fuze-Top Collector” this has been annotated “Col Griffin found two men of the Q.V.R. doing this outside H.Q. dugout except that they were using a**** to heave the fuze and a lot of powder was lying loose and close bye. They said they got good prices for the empty shells in Ypres.
9th April. There was a snowstorm in the morning but it cleared up later. I had another bout with the foils and went for a ride. There was very heavy firing all night but as an old woman put it “The nearest point German guns can reach is an hour’s march. Poperinghe a mile further back still has since been heavily shelled so her confidence was misplaced.
10th April. A beautifully fine day cold with a high wind which dried up the country wonderfully. We marched off in the afternoon halted in Ypres for tea and then took up the line 48 to 56. Headquarters was in a large dug out in the railway cutting built by the R.E. proof against H.E. shells but pitch dark so a lamp had to be burning day and night. The atmosphere was very thick and the telephone operators kept up a constant chatter. Three bunks were arranged which were occupied by The C.O. Adj: and myself. Later on I had a window built somewhat after the fashion of an area window. It gave us fresh air and light.
On the opposite page is a sketch map of the H.Q. dug out in the railway cutting.
The trenches were very fair but as usual there were only splinter proofs for the Officers. A communication trench 9 feet deep and 200 yards long had been dug by our predecessors the Q.V.R. It only was broad enough for one man at a time. Our first work was to provide passing places and then widen it to enable stretchers to be taken down.
11th April. My first walk round the trenches held by the Bn at dawn took me 3 hours, there was a great deal to arrange for. During the day I went round another five times in fact only sat down for meals. Two Generals came up and the Bde Major and Machine Gun Officer also required personally conducted tours. We were told that Hill 60 was to be blown up shortly and that we had been specially selected to make the arrangements and rush the hill. (This was afterwards altered as the Div Commander wanted to have perfectly fresh troops for it).
On the opposite page is a Bairnsfather cartoon “They’ve evidently seen me”. This shows an Artillery Observer up a chimney out of which a shell has removed half. Underneath is written “There was a tall chimney stack close behind us near Zillebeke used as an observation post for gunners. The Germans regularly shot at it and once took some bricks out. The observer hastily slid down”.
In the afternoon a Gunner Major Athy came up with his subaltern to “register” i.e. to fire a few rounds to get the exact range of the German trenches. The Gunners of the 25th Division who knew the ground had been taken away when the Division was broken up and our own gunners of the 5th Division had taken their place but were quite new to the ground. Gunners once they know the ground should be left where they are unless a move is imperative. To change them just before an attack is suicidal except of course for a mobile reserve which should be pushed from point to point to reinforce the guns already there. The result of the change was that every battery had to register as it arrived thus attracting retaliatory fire which considerably impeded the work necessary preparatory to the attack and causing aeroplane reconnaissances to be made to discover the reasons for such unwarranted activity.
I went forward with Major Athy to show him the best places to observe from an operator with telephone wire accompanied us. In 45 Edwards joined us and from the extreme salient we began to observe through periscopes the first two shells were too far over so he ordered “shorten fifty”. The operator said “They have fired” and we all observed the German trench expecting to see the shell burst over it within a couple of seconds “Whump” a crash and we were covered with earth, the shell had burst behind us. I looked up the four others were motionless & I thought I was the only survivor. However they were all right except the Major who was breathing his last with a shrapnel bullet through the head. The operator told the battery to cease fire and he was carried back. Before going up we had complained that our Gunners had dropped a number of shells into our trenches and he had said that we might be quite sure they would not do it while he was up. It was really a subaltern’s job to report the results but he was a very keen and energetic Officer. We heard afterwards that it was the fault of the fuze many of which now cannot be relied upon owing probably to the greater output and less supervision in the workshops. During the day some six bodies were reburied. There had been very severe fighting on the hill in November and many men had been buried in the actual trench with a few inches of earth over them, in other cases in making a new trench a number of bodies would be met with. It became our daily task to rebury a few men and to put up small wooden crosses to mark the spot.
On the opposite page are two photographs of the bomb proofs in the railway cutting. Under one is written Very large bomb proof with 2 entrances which I designed as a hospital dressing station hundreds of wounds were afterwards dressed.
12th April. We continued the work of making bomb proofs in the railway cutting splinter proofs in all the trenches and opening out and draining new communication trenches, this went on day and night. During the afternoon a German aeroplane tried to drop a bomb in the railway cutting but missed it by quite 100 yards. Our Gunners dropped two shells into our trenches but there were no casualties. As I was walking round with the C.O. and Adj near 42 – the Germans must have spotted us from opposite 45 as they favoured us with a succession of whizz bangs. We took shelter in the Officers dug out but were far from happy there as they kept it up for some minutes and were remarkably close. During the night the Germans or rather Saxons threw over a couple of messages to which I made a suitable reply the following night in German. Gen. Northey came up to see how the work was progressing and had a portion of the parapet blown down by a field gun just before we reached the spot. If anybody with a staff cap on came near the front trenches it always seemed to attract shell fire.
On the opposite page is a piece of typescript saying
GERMAN PEACE OVERTURES
The following is a translation of two letters which were tied round stones and thrown into our trenchers last night by the Germans:-
“Dear honoured Comrades;
As this war has now been going on for about nine months, and whole villages with their inhabitants have been devastated, it is now high time to put a stop to it. We are all tired of this savage life, and you must be too. Our dear wives and children await and long for our return and yours must do the same. Hoping that we may do some good by this. We remain with friendly greetings.
The Germans.
Sapping Party,
11th April 1915.
Dear French, English and Comrades,
It is now just about time you stopped all this, for I think you will soon have had enough of your war. Our losses are great and yours must be three times as big. Every day it gets finer, and it would be better if we could be at home with our wives and children, who are waiting every day for us as yours are waiting for you. Let us have peace on Earth before the cherry blossom comes out, but the sooner the better. Or do you want to go on sitting for ever in these damned trenches.
With friendly greetings
The Germans.
To try and equalize the evident disparity in losses, our men this morning shot three or four Germans in the trench from which the above letters were thrown.
13th April. During the day I mapped out a maze of old disused trenches and had several remarkably narrow shaves from German whizz bangs while doing so. Two struck the ground within ten yards of me. I think we could be seen from the caterpillar, anyway we took shelter in an old French dug out. They are very lavish with these shells.
On the opposite page is a sketch map of the trenches in this area.
Below is written We had about 600 men holding from 38 to 46 of these 400 men were in the front trenches and only 200 in support available for fatigues. These had to bring up rations for the men in the trenches that took 100 men two hours then bringing up ammn took the remaining 100 men another two hours daily as ample supplies had to be accumulated. In spite of this the work shown in red was done between the 10th and 21st of April. In violet is shown the work done be fatigue parties of other Regts.
Gen. Northey again went round the front trenches. When we came to 45 Cannon informed us that he had just been badly had by the Saxons. Two of them jumped over their parapet and began digging, he being only just out thought they were digging a grave and told our men not to fire. Presently ropes were passed out to them but instead of a coffin the wheels of a gun appeared over the parapet. Our men then opened fire but the gun was in position and shortly afterwards firing at point blank range our parapet at that point was demolished. We answered back as best we could with rifle grenades and dropped six near the gun. Some damage must have been done as a German Officer was seen to shake his fist at us and bob down again but the gun was a thorn in the flesh for several days. Each morning blowing to pieces the parapet which had been rebuilt during the night.
14th April. I continued mapping out the trenches and in one which had not been used for months (X) found a dead Frenchman and an Englishman lying just as they had been shot down. Two of the “missing”. In the morning the Germans dropped a regular hail of shrapnel over the “green field”. I only just reached shelter in time a number of bullets struck the ruined wall behind which I had taken cover.
In the evening passing down a communication trench a whizz bang passed over, I sat down hurriedly, another carried away the built up parapet over my head nearly deafening me. Then there was a succession of seven others. As fire works they were not bad – a blinding flash then the report. In the dark they certainly look very effective.
15th April. We had great difficulty in draining H & K communication trenches owing to springs. Barrels were procured and let into the ground as sump pits then boarded over.
In places new trenches had to be dug as the water percolated through at such a rate once you got down two feet.
Daily working parties now came up from the 14th Bde to assist in reconstructing the old French dug outs in the Larch wood and to improve the disused trenches A & B and prolong 42a. They also demolished and broke into pieces the size of a tennis ball the brick walls of farm at L. These were put into sandbags. The idea was to have 5000 ready so that the moment the hill was taken a supporting party could carry them forward and build them up into a parapet.
They would stop a bullet and be comparatively light to carry. In the actual event only about 1000 were taken forward. A large pattern sandbag had been sent up which made them very heavy when filled and altho’ perhaps effective against rifle bullets they were a positive disadvantage under shell fire as their fragments went flying in every direction when struck. In the morning while shaving just outside the Headquarters Bomb proof the Germans sent over a quantity of shell which brought down a regular hail of splinters through the trees. We had five men wounded close by.
16th April. At dusk and dawn we continued bringing material from Zillebeke to complete our bomb & splinter proofs. Double the work could always be done when it was light enough to see a little and yet dark enough so as not to be seen from the enemy lines. As a rule at these hours there was far less firing but it required judgement since a working party if spotted from the German trenches might receive heavy punishment before they could get under cover. Fortunately a mist generally prolonged the time we could work. I went over all the trenches with an Engineer Officer to place notice boards and gave him several copies of my map. The only one they had was hopelessly inaccurate as I pointed out walking round. That evening I was sent back to the Reformatory (the place I had been taken to when wounded in Nov.) to make arrangements for billeting two Coys which with H.Q. were to be there on the 17th so as to make room for the 13th Bde in the trenches. The Huns greeted my departure with a few shells. There was no cover near and the splinters came uncomfortably close. I fixed up the necessary arrangements choosing the cells for the Officers and a superintendant’s house for the Mess.
17th April. The two Coys arrived about 5 a.m. the reliefs having been very late.
A few days before the buildings had been heavily shelled but as it happened there were only a few Gunners there and no lives were lost tho’ much damage was done.
In the morning I went out with Col. Griffith to discover the best way to get up to the trenches by day. It was not easy as the ground was overlooked from two directions. At 7 o’clock we found ourselves on the square tower of the Reformatory with several Gunner observation officers.
On the opposite page is a sketch of the First explosion on Hill 60.
It was just getting dark. The low ridge of Hill 60 was clearly outlined against the sky. Suddenly a huge black cloud rose from the centre of the hill. Ten seconds later a yellow flame and another volcanic eruption while the sound of the first explosion came back to us two other mines were sprung at 10 and 20 seconds interval but meanwhile all the guns began to speak and the peaceful evening became an inferno. Flashes of our bursting shells beyond the ridge could be plainly seen but soon the German guns began to reply and shells bursting round the tower made it advisable to seek shelter. It was also time for dinner and it is never safe to miss a meal when you may be drawn into battle at any moment. It was a great relief to see the explosion since for days we had known that the Germans were also mining, at one point their gallery was within 3 feet of ours and there was the double danger of their running into our gallery and the possibility of their mine going off first. They had already exploded one mine which had caused heavy casualties among the 9th Lancers in November. The French had exploded an ineffective mine in December, the British at the same time exploding one under the German trenches. The Monmouth Territorials, R.E. were responsible for our mining and being all trained coal miners did most excellent work. In this branch I think we do better than the Germans. The men worked noiselessly lying on their backs and getting the earth out with their feet “stamping”. We dined in the superintendants house with a most infernal din going on outside. A battery had taken up its position close behind us and were firing over the house. The flashes were clearly visible from the German lines and they fired back. Every minute the house might be destroyed by one of their shells. To add to the music a gramophone had been found in one of the rooms and was turned on.
Firing continued with intervals throughout the night. We were held ready to move at 10 minutes notice.
18th April. Next morning we heard that all was not well. The Germans had retaken most of the hill. There was to be a counter attack at 7 p.m. when all the guns were to cooperate. The two Coys in the Reformatory were to move forward to the Larch wood in readiness to support. At 4 p.m. the order was received to send the men forward in driblets taking advantage of the cover afforded by hedgerows. We soon found ourselves mixed up with the East Surreys who had orders to proceed as far as the Zillebeke dam. This caused some delay as when they halted our men behind also halted and I had to go back a long way to bring them along. The Germans who could see us quite plainly opened heavy fire and among other things set a barn on fire which was filed of wounded.
The first Coy reached the Larch wood in time but D Coy was still a mile away when the attack started.
The German reply was to smother the ground behind the position with shells. I had dropped back to hurry on the last sections of D Coy, now the head stopped. I ran forward and found Kennedy had halted them in a ditch as there was a series of bursting of shell between us and the Larch wood. Our orders were to get there by six o’clock, it was already past seven and we might be required at any moment.
I led way on and we got under shelter with but little loss. We were getting a good many gas shells which were almost blinding in their effect and made breathing difficult.
The shelling continued all night. We heard that the West Ridings had retaken the hill with heavy losses. Gen now proposed to withdraw his Brigade handing over the position to Col. Griffith who in addition to the Bedfords was to have the East Surreys under his orders.
19th April. I went up the hill about 4 a.m. to take over the trenches and relieve the West Ridings. It was a veritable shambles, the craters were full of wounded men some of whom had been there since the night of the 17th. The German trenches were very narrow and the relief was difficult to manage as there were very few places where two men could pass. Owing to the danger of a counter attack I dared not evacuate any portion until some of our men were available. I decided to hold it with 4 platoons (C & D Coys 2 each) (the West Ridings had 4 Coys) and gave instructions as to making new communication trenches, evacuating the wounded and pushing bomb parties up the communication trenches leading to the German line. I also made a careful sketch of the position occasionally breaking off to bind up a wound or give water to a wounded man.
On the opposite page is the sketch referred to in the text, entitled “Careful copy of sketch showing position of craters and new trenches.”
The shelling continued in a modified way Kelly of D Coy Kirch of C Coy were killed besides 100 other casualties. I had several shaves and once thought I was hit in the arm but it was only a clod of earth thrown up by a H.E. shell. There were a lot of German bombs in sacks mostly of the cricket ball type with a friction tube. There were also several of the hair brush & star fish variety. I had a look at two mine shafts and a very fine bomb proof used as an Artillery Observation Station.
Our sappers went down our mine shafts to see if they could be made any further use of. Two men were asphyxiated.
Later on I examined two Artillery Officers and several men taken prisoner before sending them back and obtained some valuable information. The men had respirators done up in waterproof cases they appeared to be of horse hair impregnated with some slimy substance. That evening the East Surrey took over 38 to 43 and the line LP with two Coys. Their other two were to relieve them the next day. They belonged to the 14th Bde and came up fresh from Reserve whereas we had been up since 10th April.
On the opposite page is some text in a much older hand than the main text and virtually unreadable.
We went back to the Railway cutting and 42.
20th April. Next morning Col Griffith asked me to go round the trenches and see how the East Surreys were getting on. All the German rifles, hand grenades etc were to be taken back. I had a long chat with their C.O. & also met Roupell again who came in to report. All was quiet and work proceeding satisfactorily. I got back to lunch about 2 o’clock. Soon afterwards the Ball began with a terrific bombardment after some two hours of this a telephone message came down asking for reinforcements from the East Surreys. Moyse was told to take his company, immediately afterwards the telephone wire was cut. An orderly brought down a message to say that the C.O., Adj and all the senior Officers of the East Surreys were killed or wounded could an Officer be sent up to take charge. Col Griffith asked me to go. The cutting was a blaze of bursting shells. I made a run for it and reached the beginning of the long communication trench at E. This was absolutely blocked with Capt Moyse’s Coy trying to get up and a quantity of wounded on stretchers trying to get down. There was nothing for it but to make another dash in the open to the far end near 38. Here I posted a sentry with orders to prevent any wounded man going back and also recalled those already in the con trench. By this means I got the reinforcements through and only just in time.
On the opposite page are two newspaper cuttings referring to Sec. Lieut. Benjamin Handley Geary and Lieut. George Rowland Patrick Roupell of the 1st East Surrey Regiment being awarded the V.C. in this action.
Roupell wounded in several places told me that the East Surreys were practically wiped out, a very few were still holding out at L when he left. I asked him to take up the leading platoon of ours to reinforce. This he did then went back to have his wounds dressed. I recommended Roupell for his good work, somebody else sent in his name for V.C.
A sapper Lt. Westland also led up reinforcing parties until he was wounded by a bomb.
He returned later on and then found the East Surreys had withdrawn to 46 and somewhere in reserve, he stayed with them there until relieved. Two Coys of the East Surrey were to have taken over the front trenches that night and certainly they ought to have reinforced their first two before we did but after losing their senior officers they withdrew leaving us to do all the fighting.
On the opposite page are three newspaper cuttings referring to the Hill 60 action.
They had 200 casualties and were given three V.C.’s. The Bedfords lost 400 killed & wounded and got nothing. I thought there were none of the East Surreys left they so completely effaced themselves. Towards dawn Capt Green informed me that he had found some of them in 46. They knew where to find me but never reported where they were tho’ they knew I was in charge.
I made my headquarters at T where I was best able to direct reinforcements & supplies and receive & send off reports thence I made my way up and down the trenches at intervals during the night to see how things were progressing. I was about 60 yards from the front trench on the right of the hill and 80 yards from the left front trench.
I told off Capt Green to be responsible for the left section M K and Capt Edwards for the right section O P they were to see that repairs to the trenches were uninterrupted and report at intervals how things were going. The trenches were hardly recognisable and in some cases could no longer be said to exist. H had been levelled altogether and machine guns from Zwartelen and the Caterpillar enfiladed and took our lines in reverse.
On the opposite page is a newspaper cutting with a plan showing Hill 60 and the area. It is annotated “Red blob shows where I made my headquarters during the night T in large scale sketch.”
The bombardment continued throughout the night petrol was squirted over and some gas shells were used but a slight breeze prevented our being incommoded. Requests for reinforcements and more ammunition and bombs were continuous. First the Germans got in at L then they were driven out – by morning they were back again. Here it was that Webb was heard to say just before he was killed “It will be a glorious death.” A German prisoner was brought back to me caught as he was trying to throw a grenade. I sent Kennedy’s Coy to hold and improve the trench M L which could not, as it was, be used as a fire trench. He did great work throwing hand grenades until hit in the leg (amputated later). Ogilvie of A Coy lost his hand at the same time. Knight of C and Harvey of B were also killed up there during the night. Capt Moyse until wounded about dawn was with his Company holding the line about P. Darbishire was hit in the lungs & Cameron also wounded up there. Reinforcements could not keep pace with the casualties and every moment I dreaded a general assault. Some Liverpool Terriers who had come up on fatigue I ordered to hold 39 & 40 which were denuded of troops and required much repair. Some Territorial Engineers I also kept in readiness.
On the opposite page is a Message and Signals form with a message addressed to Major Allason dated 21.4.15. it says “I sent you up 30 boxes S.A.A. & 4 boxes of grenades some time ago. 6 more boxes of grenades & 6 boxes S.A.A. have just gone up. See some get to left of hill 60.
1 Company Q.V.R. is now starting to help you. There are apparently a large number of men in front line trenches. Send some up to assist left of hill 60.
O.C. Bedfords 12.15a.m.
Annotated next to this message is “All their men the ammn and the grenades had been used up when this message arrived. 36 boxes of ammn were fired off in no time.
21st April. About midnight the pressure at P became bad and at 1.30 a.m. a message came through that the Germans had taken that bit. At the same moment Major Lees arrived with a Company of the Q.V.R’s. I did not know what officers remained alive opposite P so asked Major Lees to take up his Coy and with the balance of our men retake the trench. He told me that they had come up without bayonets being told they were only wanted for fatigue. I said that in the dark the Germans would never know. Our men up there would go first. He agreed and about half an hour later the message came that they were back in the trenches. He was killed soon after.
On the opposite page are cuttings regarding the award of five V.C.s. In one case there is an annotation regarding Lieut Wooley “Apparently his Capt and one subaltern were also killed. Capt Moyse was within a few yards of Wooley at P on the right of hill 60 all night and Capt Edwards was also up there until the reliefs took place. My headquarters were only 60 yards back. Lt. Pullane was at O and Capt Green, also unwounded, was on the left of the hill till relieved. I have no doubt Wooley did good work.
I made my headquarters a sorting station for bombs we had about six different varieties and the detonators were in separate boxes and would only fit their own type. Most of the grenades were in screwed down boxes. Attempts to open these with an entrenching tool and jack knives proved unavailing but fortunately I had a screwdriver in my knife which quite saved the situation. The grenades as soon as prepared were sent up to the front trench and there were constant demands for more. Between two and three a.m. there was a slight lull in the proceedings and I sent down to ask for some food but before any came a fresh burst of fire occurred and suddenly I saw the whole of our front line coming back in a wave. I called on all the men at work in 49 and 50 to fix bayonets and counter attack. It stopped the retirement but the Germans had now brought up field guns to the Caterpillar and Zwartelen and were blowing our parapets down six feet at a time. It was pitiful to see the men throw up their arms and fall back dead. Others at once filled the gap and continued to fire on the guns and the enemy. I asked our gunners to afford us some support but the wires had been cut by artillery fire during the night and it was an hour before they opened fire. (It ought to be done within 5 minutes). All machine guns had been removed from the Dump so we were left to extricate ourselves as best we could. Meanwhile an overwhelming machine gun & rifle fire was concentrated on the hill and numerous bomb attacks made. About 4.30 a.m. a Coy of the Devons arrived this eased matters considerably and on our guns opening fire the German shelling decreased. We were running out of bombs and ammunition was very short so I thought best not to endeavour to get back into the front line until some supplies were up as it might provoke a general assault.
On the opposite page is a Message and Signals sheet with a message addressed to Major Allason, dated 21.4.15 saying “Please see Major Radcliffe 1st Devons with sufficient bombs **** who is now in command of 1st line and tell him arrange immediate attack with fresh troops on left of hill 60. Would suggest that a Company 1st Devons should meet the case. Immediate action necessary. Am sending up more bombs at once, & 6 R. Fus, bomb throwers (about 60) are already with you. Chas B. Griffith Lt. Col. 7.10 a.m. Commanding Section
About 7.30 a.m. Major Radcliffe came up with a second Coy of the Devons, he was senior to me and was to take charge. He suddenly vanished but reappeared 20 minutes later with his head bandaged (having been hit meanwhile). We agreed that there was no good object in attacking the front trench until a good supply of bombs were available. Some 60 “bomb throwers” of the 5th Fusiliers had come up without bombs and without an officer. We were holding the crest of the hill only 20 yards behind the front trench. I went round the trenches with Radcliffe and was returning from the crater R through 38 when wounded in the right thigh by a shell. He bound up the wound and, one of my men coming along just then, left me to take charge on the hill.
With assistance I managed to get down the long communication trench. This had been in places quite knocked in and made level with the ground tho’ it had been 9 feet deep. Work had been continued on it during the night but the damage done by shell fire is almost incredible. At the cutting a stretcher took me to the Dressing Station (see photo) and thence, after making my report to Col. Griffith, I was carried on a stretcher about two miles to a motor ambulance which took me to the Field Ambulance beyond Ypres. Here I had some food (the first for 24hrs) and was taken on to Poperinghe. Here my wound was dressed and that evening I was sent by train to Boulogne
22nd April. I was taken to No. 7 General about 4 a.m. and put in a room with Major Tyndall (shot in the spine).
23rd April. I remained there that day & next afternoon sailed in the St. Andrew to Dover arriving at Grosvenor Gdns at 10.30 p.m.
On the opposite page are two cuttings on the capture of Hill 60.
To come back to what happened on the morning of 17th April on the hill after we left A Coy was left holding 38 and B Coy 45 their job was to remain on in the trenches whatever happened. So big a charge had never before been used in a mine and the Engineers were not sure what would happen.
The West Kents and K.O.Y.L.I. were to rush the hill immediately after the last explosion. The K.O.S.B’s were in support and the West Ridings in reserve a little way back. The Liverpool Terriers were to carry up sand bags behind the attacking force and help dig new communicating trenches forward to the Hill. All passed off satisfactorily the Germans were stupefied and only one casualty occurred. The work of entrenching proceeded gaily. At midnight the K.O.S.B’s came up to take over the front trenches and during the confusion incident on handing over the Germans attacked and drove them back with very heavy losses. A K.O.S.B. Officer told me that he had to go right back to the guns before they could be got to open fire, the wires had been cut during the evening bombardment and not repaired. He told me that the West Kents and K.O.Y.L.I. had also suffered severely. At 6 p.m. on the 18th April the West Ridings attacked (when our two Coys were brought up from the Reformatory) but failed to regain the whole of the ground beyond the far crater on our left. The Zwartelen trenches could have been taken with the greatest of ease when the explosions took place. Leaving the Germans there was absolutely fatal.
On the next few pages are newspaper cuttings from The Times.
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